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    2.2.3.5.Deverbal nouns: summary
    quickinfo

    This section briefly repeats the main findings concerning the form and position of the inherited arguments of the deverbal nouns. For a full overview of the most common patterns, see the summaries in Section 2.2.3.1, sub IF, Section 2.2.3.2, sub IIG, Section 2.2.3.3, sub IG and Section 2.2.3.4, sub IG.

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    [+]  I.  Nominalizations derived from intransitive verbs

    Example (425) shows that the agent argument of nominalizations derived from an intransitive verb is optionally realized as a postnominal van-PP or, if the agent is +human, a prenominal genitive noun phrase or possessive pronoun. The only exceptions are er- and bare-inf nouns: er-nouns do not take an agentive argument, which is due to the fact that the agent is represented by the suffix -er, and with bare-inf nouns expression of the agent seems to give rise to a marginal result at best. The table does not include ing-nouns given that ing-nominalizations do not accept intransitive verbs as input.

    425
    Realization of the agent in nominalizations derived from intransitive verbs
      pattern example translation
    er N wandelaar 'walker'
    det-inf det + N + van-PP het lachen van Jan 'the laughing by Jan'
      NPs/pronoun + N Jans lachen 'Janʼs laughing'
    bare-inf N (??+ van-PP) lachen (??van Jan) 'laughing (by Jan)'
    ge N + van-PP het gelach van Jan 'the laughter of Jan'
      NPs/pronoun + N Jans gelach 'Janʼs laughter'

    [+]  II.  Nominalizations derived from unaccusative verbs

    Example (426) shows that the agent argument of nominalizations derived from an unaccusative verb is optionally realized as a postnominal van-PP or, if the agent is +human, a prenominal genitive noun phrase or possessive pronoun. With bare-inf nouns expression of the theme seems to give rise to a marginal result at best. The table does not include er- and ge-nominalizationsgiven that these nominalization do not accept unaccusative verbs as input.

    426
    Realization of the theme in nominalizations derived from unaccusative verbs
      pattern unaccusative translation
    det-inf det + N + van-PP het vallen van kinderen 'the falling of children'
      NPs/pronoun + N ?hun vallen 'their falling'
    bare-inf N (??+ van-PP) vallen (??van kinderen) 'falling (of children)'
    ing N + van-PP de komst van Jan 'the coming of Jan'
      NPs/pronoun + N Jans komst 'Janʼs coming'
    [+]  III.  Nominalizations derived from transitive verbs

    In nominalizations derived from a (di-)transitive verb, the theme argument is normally obligatorily realized as a postnominal van-PP or a prenominal genitive noun phrase/possessive pronoun. The ge-nominalization, however, are somewhat special in that they do not allow the theme to be realized as a prenominal genitive noun phrase/possessive pronoun, and the inf-nominalizations are special in allowing the theme to appear as a prenominal accusative noun phrase.

    427
    Realization of the theme in nominalizations derived from transitive verbs
      pattern example translation
    er N + van-PP de leider van de kinderen 'the leader of the children'
      NPs/pronoun + N hun leider 'their leader'
    det-inf det + N + van-PP het vernietigen van de stad 'the destruction of the city'
      det + NP + N ?het steden vernietigen 'the destruction of cities'
    bare-inf N + van-PP ?vernietigen van steden 'destroying cities'
      NP + N steden vernietigen 'destroying cities'
    ing N + van-PP de behandeling van Jan 'the treatment of Jan'
      NPs/pronoun + N Jans behandeling 'Janʼs treatment'
    ge N + van-PP het getreiter van kinderen 'the bullying of children'

    The agent cannot be expressed with er- and bare-inf nouns, just as we have seen for the nominalizations derived from intransitive verbs. In the other cases, the agent is normally optional. It can be realized as a postnominal door-PP following the theme, or as a prenominal genitive noun phrase or possessive pronoun. The fact that in many cases, both the theme and the agent can be realized as a prenominal genitive noun phrase or possessive pronoun may lead to ambiguity.

    [+]  IV.  Nominalizations derived from ditransitive verbs

    As far as the theme and agent argument are concerned, these nominalizations behave just like those derived from a transitive verb. The recipient argument is always optional and is realized as a postnominal aan-PP that preferably follows the theme. The inf-nominalizations are again special in allowing the recipient to appear as a prenominal dative noun phrase, and also in allowing the aan-PP to appear in prenominal position. Cases in which all three arguments of a triadic nominalization are realized are rare.

    [+]  V.  Nominalizations derived from verbs with a PP-complement

    In nominalizations derived from verbs with a PP-complement, the complement is also inherited and preceded by the same preposition as in the verbal construction. Normally the PP occurs in postnominal position, except in the case of inf-nominalizations, which allow the PP to occur both pre- and postnominally.

    [+]  VI.  Nominalizations derived from verbs with a complementive

    Verbs taking a complementive normally cannot be nominalized, except when the complementive is an als/tot-phrase; the complementives are then normally realized in postnominal position. Again inf-nominalizations behave differently: they behave like verbs in that they allow other types of complementives, which must appear prenominally; predicative als/tot-phrases can occur both pre- and postnominally.

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      About this article
      Author(s): Hans Broekhuis, Evelien Keizer
      Category: Dutch Syntax
      Keywords: ComplementiveDativeVerbPredicative Complement
      Version: 1.0, December 2015
      Version history:
      version editor(s) date remarks
      1.0 Hans Broekhuis, Evelien Keizer December 2015
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