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    Infinitive complement clauses: syntactic distribution
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    Infinitive complement clauses in Afrikaans are used in three main syntactic roles: object clause, subject clause and complementive clause. The full infinitive clause with complementiser om for/in order and infinitive particle te to is used in all three roles, as illustrated by example (1) to (3), with no obvious limitations.

    1
    Holtzhausen dwing homself om iets te eet.
    Holtzhausen force.PRS himself for.COMP something PTCL.INF eat.INF
    Holtzhausen forces himself to eat something.
    TK
    [Object clause]
    2
    Om te skryf, gee vorm aan gedagtes.
    for.COMP PTCL.INF write.INF give.PRS form to thoughts
    To write gives shape to thoughts.
    TK
    [Subject clause]
    3
    'n Ander alternatief is om 'n wapen buite werking te stel.
    an other alternative be.PRS for.COMP a weapon out.of order PTCL.INF set.INF
    Another alternative is to let a weapon be deactivated.
    TK
    [Complementive clause]

    All three full infinitive complement clause positions can also be combined with a wh-interrogative, as illustrated by (4), to form an interrogative infinitive complement clause.

    4
    Hy weet self nie wat om daarvan te dink nie.
    he know self not what for.COMP R.of PTCL.INF think.INF PTCL.NEG
    He doesn't know himself what to think of that.
    TK

    The bare infinitive clause is used as verb complement clause in a specific subset of constructions: aspectual verbs, as illustrated by (5), direct and indirect linking verbs, as illustrated by (6) and (7), and causative verbs, as illustrated by (8).

    5
    Die wurm kan maande lank aanhou eiers lê sonder om weer te paar.
    the worm can.AUX.MOD months long continue.LINK eggs lay.INF without for.COMP again PTCL.INF mate.INF
    The worm can continue to lay eggs for months without having to mate again
    TK
    6
    Klara kom vir Heidi kuier.
    Klara come for Heidi visit.INF
    Klara comes to visit Heidi.
    TK
    7
    Hy kon skaars loop en praat.
    he could hardly walk and talk.INF
    He was hardly able to talk while walking.
    TK, adjusted
    8
    Ek maak die muskietring staan langs my matras.
    I make the mosquito.ring stand.INF beside my matrass
    I put the mosquito ring upright next to my matrass.
    TK, adjusted

    In addition, if quite infrequently, the bare infinitive clause can be used as subject or complementive clause, with a limited set of options compared to the full infinitive clause. These two uses are illustrated by (9) and (10).

    9
    Standpunt stel is moeilik.
    viewpoint state.INF is difficult
    To state a viewpoint is difficult.
    Ponelis (1979:431)
    [Subject clause]
    10
    Dis net hierdie toets wen.
    it.is only this test win.INF
    It's really to win this test.
    Ponelis (1979:430)
    [Complementive clause]

    The te-infinitive is no longer a productive verb complement construction in Afrikaans. It is limited to a small number of complementive constructions after copular verbs like blyk to appear or skyn to seem, as exemplified by (11), or other complementive clause uses that are mostly idiomatic expressions that do not allow easy extension to other verbs, exemplified by (12). Further testimony to its archaic and idiomatic status is the fact that in a number of cases, an inflected infinitive verb, with suffix -e, is used, as shown by (13). Infinitive inflection no longer occurs elsewhere in Afrikaans.

    11
    Tot sy verbasing blyk alles reg te wees.
    to his surprise appear.PRS everything right PTCL.INF be.INF
    To his surprise, everything appears to be in order.
    TK
    12
    'n Papegaai kon ek nie te huur kry nie.
    a parrot can.AUX.MOD.PRT I not PTCL.INF rent.INF get.INF PTCL.NEG
    I couldn't get a parrot to rent.
    TK
    13
    Sy opvoeding het veel te wens·e oorgelaat.
    his education have.AUX much PTCL.INF desire·INF leave.PST
    His education left much to be desired.
    TK

    Apart from its verb complement uses, the full infinitive in Afrikaans is also used as noun and adjective complement clause, and as adverbial clause that specifies reason. The adverbial clause use is sometimes very similar in surface word order to the verb complement clause use, as shown by example (14).

    14
    'n Wye verskeidenheid onverwagte materiale word aangewend om dié boodskappe oor te dra.
    a wide variety unexpected materials be.AUX.PASS.PRS use.PASS in.order these messages over.PREP.PTCL PTCL.INF carry.INF
    A wide variety of unexpexted maerials are used to convey these messages.
    TK
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    [+]Introduction

    The distribution of the full infinitive complement clause is very similar to the finite infinitive clauses. The object, subject and complementive positions are quite common and the use of the full infinitive complement clause is not widely restricted. The subject clause use of the infinitive complement clause is more frequent than any of the finite clause options, though. The main distinctions are semantic, and are analysed in the section on the lexical and semantic associations.

    Similar to the finite complement clauses, the full infinitive clause also varies between the dit-extraposition (DE) and clause-initial variant (CI) when used as subject clause. The DE variant is the more frequent of the two, as it is for the various finite complement clause types, but the CI is more widely used in combination with infinitive clauses than it is with any of the finite complement clauses. These further options are analysed in more detail below.

    The bare infinitive clause is subject to a number of restrictions when used as subject or complementive clause, particularly pertaining to further elements besides the infinitive verb form. It is not compatible with extensive adverbial modification, and the phrasal complements of the verb are also limited to a small subset of modifying options.

    The infinitive complement clause and adverbial clauses of reason are formally identical in some contexts, although adverbial clauses have a positional flexibility that infinitive complement clauses do not have. A comparison is drawn below to identify salient differences between these two uses of infinitive clauses.

    [+]Dit-extraposition variant of the infinitive subject clause

    Infinitive subject clauses offer the choice between the dit-extraposition (DE) and clause-initial variant (CI). The DE variant is subject to very few constraints as far as the subject clause itself is concerned. The basic syntactic pattern is [dit + COPULAR VERB + COMPLEMENTIVE + SUBJECT CLAUSE], as illustrated by example (15) to (17).

    15
    Dit is maklik [om te verstaan waar die storie vandaan kom].
    it be.PRS easy for.COMP PTCL.INF understand.INF where the story of.from come.PRS
    It is easy to understand where the story comes from.
    PCSA
    16
    Dit is 'n onvergeetlike ervaring [om te sien wat 'n mens doen omdat jy graag vry wil wees].
    it be.PRS an unbelievable experience for.COMP PTCL.INF see.INF what a human do.PRS because you eager free want.to.AUX.MOD be.INF
    It is an unbelievable experience [to see what people can do because they are eager to be free].
    PCSA
    17
    Dit is in die mode [om dwelms te gebruik].
    it be.PRS in the fashion for.COMP drugs PTCL.INF use.INF
    It is fashionable to use drugs.
    Potchefstroom Herald, 2014/10/13

    Example (15) shows the most frequent subtype, where the copular verb is the present tense form is be.PRS in combination with an adjectival complementive. Complementives can also be expressed by noun phrases, as shown by example (16), or preposition phrases, as shown by example (17).

    The verb is be.PRS can be used in the past tense or in combination with modal verbs, as shown by example (18) and (19), although these options are not frequently exploited by users. Alternatively, a few other verb and predicate combinations, mostly of an idiomatic nature, are possible, as shown by example (20) and (21).

    18
    Dit was nie vir ons moontlik [om Wimpie se toergeld te betaal nie].
    it be.PST not for us possible for.COMP Wimpie PTCL.PASS tour.money PTCL.INF pay.INF PTCL.NEG
    It was not possible for us to pay Wimpie's travel money.
    TK
    19
    Dit sou belangrik wees [om 'n verkeersregisterstelsel te hê].
    it will.AUX.MOD.PRT important be.INF for.COMP a traffic.register.system PTCL.INF have.INF
    It would be important to have a traffic registration system.
    PCSA
    20
    Dit kan egter nog jare neem [om die plan tot uitvoer te bring].
    it can.AUX.MOD however still years take.INF for.COMP the plan to execution PTCL.INF bring.INF
    It can however still take years to execute the plan.
    TK
    21
    Dit maak sin [om dalk eerder iets te gee vir iemand wat niks het nie].
    it make.PRS sense for.COMP perhaps rather something PTCL.INF give.INF for somebody who.REL nothing have.PRS PTCL.NEG
    It makes sense to rather give something to somebody who has nothing.
    TK
    [+]Clause-initial variant of the infinitive subject clause

    While the clause-initial (CI) variant of the infinitive subject clause occurs less frequently than the DE variant, it still occurs more frequently than the CI variant of the declarative or interrogative subject clause. It is syntactically much more variable than the DE variant, and takes a wide range of verbs and verb complements. The syntactically simpler variant that corresponds to the DE patterns is attested, as illustrated by example (22), but the CI variant is selected more often when the verb phrase, including complements, is syntactically more complex, as illustrated by example (23) and (24).

    22
    [Om stilte te vind], is dikwels baie moeilik.
    for.COMP silence PTCL.INF find.INF be.PRS often very difficult
    To find some quiet is often very difficult.
    TK
    23
    [Om die 6.5 ton- landmyn- en ballisties-bestande wonderwa te koop], sit egter nie in elke man se broeksak nie.
    for.COMP the 6.5 tonne- landmine- and ballistic-proof wonder.wagon PTCL.INF buy.INF sit.PRS however not in every man PTCL.GEN trouser.pocket PTCL.NEG
    To buy the 6.5 tonne dream truck that is landmine and ballistic proof doesn’t, however, sit comfortably in every man’s pocket.
    TK
    24
    [Om 'n kinderkamer te versier] is soos om 'n kind groot te maak.
    for.COMP a child.room PTCL.INF be.PRS like for.COMP a child big PTCL.INF make.INF
    To decorate a child’s room is like raising a child.
    TK
    [+]Constraints on the use of the bare infinitive clause

    Bare infinitive clauses occur as complements to a number of specific verbs that are intermediate between main and auxiliary verb status, as illustrated by example (5) to (8) above. In addition, they can be used as subject and complementive clauses, as illustrated by (9) and (10) above. However, they are subject to a number of restrictions that do not apply to full infinitive clauses, as set out by Ponelis (1979:430-432).

    The bare infinitive can only be used in the clause-initial position, when used as subject clause, but not in the dit-extraposition variant. Thus, while (25a) and (25b) are both acceptable with the full infinitive, only (26a) is acceptable with the bare infinitive, but (26b) is not.

    25
    a. Om standpunt te stel is moeilik.
    for.COMP viewpoint PTCL.INF state.INF be.PRS difficult.
    To formulate a viewpoint is difficult.
    (Ponelis 1979:431)
    b. Dit is moeilik om standpunt te stel.
    it be.PRS difficult for.COMP viewpoint PTCL.INF state.INF
    It is difficult to formulate a viewpoint.
    (Ponelis 1979:431)
    26
    a. Standpunt stel is moeilik.
    viewpoint state.INF be.PRS difficult
    Formulating a viewpoint is difficult.
    (Ponelis 1979:431)
    b. *Dit is moeilik standpunt stel.
    it be.PRS difficult viewpoint state.INF
    It is difficult formulating a viewpoint.
    (Ponelis 1979:431)

    Bare infinitives do not combine with modal auxiliaries, while full infinitives do combine with modals, which leads Ponelis (1979:431) to conclude that bare infinitives are less clausal and more nominal in nature. Example (27) is therefore acceptable for full infinitive subject clauses, but example (28) with a bare infinitive and a modal is not.

    27
    Om te kan teken is nie regtig moeilik nie.
    for.COMP PTCL.INF can.AUX.MOD draw.INF be.PRS not really difficult PTCL.NEG
    To be able to draw is not really difficult.
    TK
    28
    *Kan teken is nie regtig moeilik nie.
    can.AUX.MOD draw.INF be.PRS not really difficult PTCL.NEG
    Can draw is not really difficult.

    Bare infinitives do allow linking verbs to combine with the infinitive main verb, as illustrated by the wh-cleft construction in (29).

    29
    Wat ek wil doen is [loop en kyk].
    What I want.to.AUX.MOD do be.PRS walk and look.INF
    What I want to do, is to go and look.
    (Ponelis 1979:431)

    Bare infinitives allow very limited options for verb complementation and adverbial modification. Ponelis (1979:431-432) lists three possible syntactic types: with only an intransitive verb, as in (30), with a transitive verb and a generic noun phrase as verbal complement, as in (31), and a short adverb or preposition phrase as adverbial modifier, as in (32).

    30
    [Eet] is gesond.
    eat.INF be.PRS healthy
    Eating is healthy.
    (Ponelis 1979:431)
    31
    [Ontbyt eet] is gesond.
    eat.INF breakfast be.PRS healthy
    Eating breakfast is healthy.
    (Ponelis 1979:432)
    32
    [Gereeld eet] is gesond.
    regularly eat.INF be.PRS healthy
    Eating regularly is healthy.
    (Ponelis 1979:432)
    [+]Infinitive complement and adverbial clauses

    Full infinitive clauses are used more often as adverbial clauses of purpose than as verb object complement clauses. In a random sample of 6000 infinitive clauses from the Taalkommissiekorpus, the ratio of adverbial:complement clause is 3:2. On the surface, the word order of adverbial clauses and verb complement clauses is often similar, with the adverbial clause also following a verb in the main clause. In part, the distinction is semantic and has to be judged in context, but optional movement of the adverbial clause to the sentence initial position is usually decisive to distinguish between the two syntactic functions. Example (33a) shares some structural similarities with the verb complement clause, but the verb gebruik to use is transitive and has an object al ons kontantgeld all our cash. The adverbial function is clear from the possibility of moving the infinitive clause to a position before the main clause, which also requires inversion of the first verb and subject of the main clause (het ons have we, rather than ons het we have), as shown by (33b). Moreover, the om does not function as complementiser here, but as adverbial subordinator, and can be replaced by other adverbial subordinators that make the purpose reading even more explicit, such as ten einde in order, as shown in (33c).

    33
    a. Ons het al ons kontantgeld gebruik [om 'n erf te koop in Rondebosch].
    we have.AUX all our cash.money use.PST in.order a plot PTCL.INF buy.INF in Rondebosch
    We have used all our cash to buy a plot in Rondebosch.
    TK
    b. [Om 'n erf te koop in Rondebosch] het ons al ons kontantgeld gebruik.
    in.order a plot PTCL.INF buy.INF in Rondebosch have.AUX we all our cash.money use.PST
    In order to buy a plot in Rondebosch, we have used all our cash.
    c. Ons het al ons kontantgeld gebruik ten einde 'n erf te koop in Rondebosch.
    we have.AUX all our cash.money use.PST in order a plot PTCL.INF buy.INF in Rondebosch
    We have used all our cash in order to buy a plot in Rondebosch.
    References
    • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
    • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
    • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
    • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
    • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
    About this article
    Author(s): Bertus van Rooy
    Category: Afrikaans Syntax
    Keywords: infinitive complement clauseword orderdependent clausefull infinitivebare infinitive
    Version: 1.0, May 2020
    Version history:
    version editor(s) date remarks
    1.0 Bertus van Rooy May 2020
    This is a beta version.
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