- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
In Afrikaans the use of more than one modal verb in one proposition is quite common; even three modals are possible, as in (1a). Afrikaans modals have no infinitive inflection, and one or more of these modals may even take a preterite form, as in (1b).
The surface order of modals, present or preterite, is constrained by (i) the tendency for modals expressing counterfactuality, such as epistemic or negated modals, to precede all other modals in the string, and (ii) by the root semantics of modals, those expressing an extrinsically sourced attribute, e.g.moet have to, preceding those expressing an intrinsic attribute, such as kan be able to. The modals sal/gaan will, be going to assume first position since irrealis values such as ‘hypothesis’, ‘prediction’ or ‘future’ may cancel the realisation of the entire verbal string. Thus, in (2a) the actualisation of the ‘capability’ expressed by kan is replaced by the realisation of the ‘obligation’ of moet; in (2b) both ‘capability’ and ‘obligation’ are subservient to an envisaged future action, and in (2c) epistemic kan merely expresses the possibility of future ‘obligation’. In (2b) sal owes its first position to its ability to render the entire proposition hypothetical, and in (2c) kan, which refers to a more intrinsic attribute than moet, may nevertheless precede moet because its epistemic function also renders the entire proposition hypothetical.
In principle, modals (apart from sal/sou/gaan) expressing root meanings may be sequenced in any order as all semantic combinatons are possible. Certain sequences, such as ‘having the ability to have the desire to perform a certain action', are unlikely and expressing 'ability' + 'obligation' would require considerable periphrasis beyond a mere sequence of kan followed by moet. The easiest to decode seems to be sequences of modals in which the first represents a more externally sourced attribute than the second. The root modals may be positioned on a cline between nonfactuality (non-realisation, irrealis) and factuality (realisation, realis), according to which kan/kon indicates an intrinsic attribute; wil/wou ‘volition’ indicates an intrinsic attribute sourced internally (i.e. from the sentential subject), mag possesses the intrinsic attribute of ‘permission’, which has an extrinsic source; moet/moes points to an extrinsic source of ‘obligation’, and sal/sou/gaan, referring to ‘hypothesis’, ‘prediction’, ‘future’, etc., renders other modals, verbs or an entire proposition counterfactual. This would also be the effect of negation on the first modal.
According to this cline, a root + root sequence such as wil kan, as in (3a), would be permissible or acceptable, while in a sequence such as kan wil, as in (3b), kan is likely to receive an epistemic interpretation:
A number of questions remain. Firstly, can an Afrikaans sequence of modals contain more than one modal in epistemic function? While kon on its own can be epistemic, as in (4a), the addition of sou, as in (4b), would only strengthen the epistemic function of kon:
Secondly, could more than one modal appear in verb-second postion, as is apparently the case in:
Hy sal moet môre die hek oopsluit. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he will.AUX.MOD must.AUX.MOD tomorrow the gate open.lock.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He will have to unlock the gate tomorrow. |
However, it seems unlikely that moet also fills the verb-second position, because an insertion is possible between sal and moet in (6a), but completely inadmissible between the linking verbprobeer try and the main verbsing sing in (6b):
A third question relates to where preterites occur in a string of modals. The preterite sou generally plays an important part in rendering propositions tentative or hypothetical. Modals following on preterite modals often display what may be termed preterite agreement, namely a type of sequence of tenses in which the fact that the second is a preterite instead of a present does not have a significant effect on the interpretation of the proposition.
Hy sou graag die eksamen met onderskeiding wil/wou slaag, as dit moontlik is. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he will.AUX.MOD.PRT gladly the examination with distinction want.to.AUX.MOD / want.to.AUX.MOD.PRT pass.INF if.CNJ it possible is | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He would like to pass the examination with distinction, if possible. |
Preterite agreement is particularly common when a modal is not only preceded by a modal preterite but also followed by a perfect, such as gedoen het have done in the following example:
Sy sou die berekenings vinniger moes kon gedoen het. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
she shall.AUX.MOD.PRT the calculations quicker must.AUX.MOD.PRT can.AUX.MOD.PRT do.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
She should have been able to do the calculations more quickly. |
Having moet kan rather than the preterites moes kon in the previous example, would not have changed its meaning.
Sequences of present followed by preterite, as in (9a), are however also encountered, without apparent semantic difference from a preterite – present sequence, as in (9b):
The use of more than one and even a small chain of modal verbs in one proposition is quite common in Afrikaans. Sal + moet + kan, in this order, form a typical chain of three:
Sy besef al hoe meer dat sy giere sal moet kan lees en dat sy dít dalk sal moet leer. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
she realise all the more that.COMP she caprices will.AUX.MOD must.AUX.MOD can.AUX.MOD read.INF and that.COMP she this perhaps will.AUX.MOD must.AUX.MOD learn.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
She realised more and more that she would have to be able to read caprices and that this is what she would perhaps have to learn. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
M.Volschenk: Elke dogter, 2013,134 |
This is true inter alia for Dutch, German, the Scandinavian languages and certain dialects of English (cf. Di Paolo (1989). Preterites are subject to the same ordering principles as present forms; the following examples have sou, moes and kon, the preterites of sal, moet and kan, respectively. For Afrikaans, cf. Conradie (2018).
The surface order of modals is constrained by a process of factuality curtailment through the addition of semantically more extrinsic modals. Two principles are at work here. In the first place, every preposed modal relativises or cancels the factual or realisation status of the modal (or other verb) it is preposed to. Jan’s working in (12a), whether habitual or current, is presented as a factual occurrence. In (12b) the factuality of Jan’s working is relativised in favour of his ability to work, which has now become factual. The factuality of the 'ability' is in turn relativised in (12c) by the addition of moet must, moving the factuality focus to ‘obligation’, and in (12d) the entire requirement to be able to work hard is relegated to the future.
Secondly, modals are inherently graded for factuality, and a relativising modal can only be predicated to a more factual modal. In as far as modals express attributes such as ‘obligation’, ‘permission’, ‘volition ’and ‘capability’ there is a preference for modals with semantically more extrinsic attributes to qualify (i.e. precede) those with more intrinsic attributes. Extrinsic attributes are by definition more easily predicated than intrinsic qualities. Thus, while ‘ability’(kan/kon) is an entirely intrinsic category, ‘volition’ (wil/wou) implies an attribute assumed by the subject. ‘Permission’(mag) is an intrinsic attribute, but has a source external to the subject. While ‘obligation' (moet/moes) also has an external source, it cannot be considered an internal attribute. In contrast, the semantic field of the hypothetical (prediction, future, etc, as in sal/sou/gaan) does not represent an attribute, but relativises the realisation of any other modal – the reason why it cannot be controlled (preceded) by any other modal. The fact that epistemic modals tend to occupy first position in a string is, according to Wurmbrand (2001:185), predicted by (t)he assumption that epistemic modals are in the highest position of the modal domain; they control the rest of the proposition. They therefore override the mutual ordering of root modals, e.g. while moet in moet kan may be epistemic or root, kan in kan moet will only be epistemic. A negated modal, which does not contribute any attribute to another modal (or other verb) and is essentially counterfactual, may have scope over the entire proposition, as in (13a); in (13b) the second modal is negated within the scope of the first.
Root modals are therefore on a realisation (or realis-irrealis) cline between hypothetical and intrinsic senses, with modals in epistemic function and negated modals taking precedence in control and ordering (see Fig. 1).
Non-factuality, non-realisation, irrealis | > | > | < | < | Factuality, realisation, realis |
extrinsic source | - | + | + | - | - |
intrinsic source | - | - | - | + | - |
intrinsic attribute | - | - | + | + | + |
sal/sou, gaan | moet/moes, behoort te, hoef te | mag | wil/wou | kan/kon | |
hypothesis, prediction, future, epistemic function, negation | obligation, requirement, expectation | permission | volition | capability, ability |
The fact that all senses of sal/sou/gaan, including prediction and future reference, are hypothetical, may account for the fact that the first position is conventionally reserved for sal/sou/gaan. In general, propositions are rendered more hypothetical by the use of preterites; sou would, the preterite of sal, is the hypothetical modal par excellence. The use of sal/sou/gaan as first modal in the chain is demonstrated by the following:
Barring sal/gaan (which is always first), and modals in epistemic function (which have a gradient function) as well as negated modals, the following root + root orders are predicted to be permissible (the quasi-modalsbehoort te and hoef (nie) te are omitted here):
Likely | [A]moet mag | [B]moet wil | [C]moet kan | [D]mag wil | [E]mag kan | [F]wil kan |
Unlikely | [G]kan wil | [H]kan mag | [I]kan moet | [J]wil mag | [K]wil moet | [L]mag moet |
[A] Though not encountered, the following might be possible:
Hy het betaal; hy moet beslis die eksamen mag aflê. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he have.AUX pay.PST.PTCP he must.AUX.MOD definitely the examination may.AUX.MOD write.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He paid up; he should definitely be entitled to write the exam. |
[B] Moet combines with wil in (16a) and (16b), negated moet with wil in (16c) and (16d), preterite moes with wil in (16e), preterite moes with preterite wou in (16f) and kon in (16g), and behoort te, which resembles wil semantically, with wil in (16h).
[C] Moet kan and moes kon are exemplified by the following:
[D] The following is an example of negated mag + wil:
Jy mag dit nie wil hê nie, Daniel. Want dit sal 'n sonde wees. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
you.2SG may.AUX.MOD it not want.to.AUX.MOD have.INF PTCL.NEG Daniel because.CNJ it will.AUX.MOD a sin be.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
You are not permitted to want that, Daniel. Because that would be sinful. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
D. Sleigh: Eilande, 2002, 537 |
[E] Mag and kan do not collocate easily as they share ‘permission’ as meaning, which may appear tautological. It does however seem possible, as in (19a). In (19b) mag is encountered with negation.
[F] The combination wil kan is predicted as acceptable, cf.
The following orders are predicted as unacceptable:
[G] Kan wil is predicted as unacceptable, since when one is already enabled or in a position to perform a certain action, desiring to be enabled seems redundant. One can however be denied permission to desire something, cf. negated wil in (21a) to (21c). Note that kan is used epistemically in (21d) and (21e) and may therefore precede other modals.
[H] Kan mag to be able to be permitted (to do something) is excluded because having permission is not an ability, and, if kan expresses ‘permission’, the combination would be tautological.
[I] Kan moet would refer to ‘being able to be obliged (to do something)’, which seems to be a contradiction in terms.
[J] Wil mag ‘to want to be permitted (to do something)’, though not encountered, does seem possible.
[K] Wil moet to want to be obliged (to do something) seems contraditory, but is encountered with negated wil.
Apart from the main factor or factors determining the ordering of modals, a number of phenomena perhaps specific to Afrikaans may be mentioned which also require an explanation:
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Can a modal sequence contain more than one epistemic modal?
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Can more than one modal appear in the verb-second position (as is possible in the case of non-modal verbs)?
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Given that preterites are not restricted to the first position in a string, where are preterites found in a string of modals?
Combinations of more than one epistemic modal do seem possible. Eide (2005:129) notes that non-root (= epistemic) + non-root combinations are possible in Danish, but with the restriction that the second modal is kunne can. This may also be the case in Afrikaans. Thus while kon may have an epistemic interpretation in (23a), the addition of sou as in (23b) perhaps strengthens the speculative tone of the proposition:
Though kon and sou kon also seem interchangeable in examples (24a) and (24b), the context of kon in (24a) is counterfactual, while that of sou kon in (24b) seems more speculative.
Sal/sou is often juxtaposed with another modal when in verb second position:
Hulle sal moet geweer skoonmaak, bandeliere nagaan ... | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
they will.AUX.MOD must.AUX.MOD gun clean.INF bandoleers check.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
They will have to clean guns, check bandoleers ... | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
E. van Rooyen: Vuur, 2000, 306 |
The second modal, however, does not form part of V2 because insertions are more acceptable between the modals, as in (26b), than after the modals, as in (26c), and juxtaposition is excluded in yes/no questions, as in (26d). This is also true for the Scandinavian languages, cf. Eide (2005:128).
Gaan, the competitor of sal, may also be juxtaposed with another modal, cf.
Jy gaan móét versigtig wees. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
you.2SG go.AUX.MOD must.AUX.MOD careful be.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
You are going to have to be careful. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
I.Roggeband: Noot, 2013, 19 |
A similar juxtaposition of other modal combinations seems equally acceptable, e.g.
Jy moet kan al die probleme oplos. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
you.2SG must.AUX.MOD can.AUX.MOD all the problems solve.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
You should be able to solve all the problems. |
In Afrikaans modal chains, more than one or all modals may be preterites, as in (29a) and (29b). This is particularly the case when the verbal string ends in a perfect (and often has a counterfactual interpretation), as in (29c).
If only one of a string of modals is a preterite, it would normally be the first:
Sy burgers sou hom tog so graag as hul leier wil behou het! | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
his burghers will.AUX.MOD.PRT him ever so gladly as their leader want.to.AUX.MOD retain.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
His burghers would have liked it so much to retain him as their leader! | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
J.D. Kestell: Christiaan de Wet, 1920, 54 |
If the first modal is a preterite, the use of the preterite in a following modal may express counterfactuality, e.g. while wou kon in (31a) excludes the possibility of future realisation after hypothetical sou, future realisation is still possible in (31b):
In the following the perfect gestort het and the preterite wou likewise strengthen a counterfactual interpretation.
anders sou jy nie alleen hoef te gestort het as jy nie sou wou nie | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
otherwise will.AUX.MOD.PRT you.2SG not alone need.AUX.MOD PTCL.INF shower.PST.PTCP have.AUX if.CNJ you.2SG not shall.AUX.MOD.PRT want.to.AUX.MOD.PRT PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
otherwise you wouldn’t have needed to shower alone if you didn’t want to | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
I. de Vries: Byna liefde, 2008, 242 |
The fact that the modal following a preterite is also a preterite, need not have a semantic effect. If the first modal is a preterite, others may follow suit in what may be described as a process of preterite agreement or preterite assimilation, i.e. the use of the present (moet) rather than the preterite (moes) has no semantic implications, cf.
want as hy die dag sou moes beginne help verduidelik, sal hy moet help verduidelik tot die Oordeelsdag toe | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
because.CNJ if.CNJ he the day will.AUX.MOD.PRT must.AUX.MOD.PRT begin.LINK help.LINK explain.INF will.AUX.MOD he must.AUX.MOD help.LINK explain.INF until the Judgment-Day to.POSTP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
because if the day arrived that he would have to begin to help explain, he will have to explain until Judgment Day. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
L. de Villiers: Kaapstad, 2012, 47 |
In the following, the preterite kon instead of kan merely affirms the past tense already expressed by wou:
Sy wou hom teen haar voel, wou kon raak aan dit wat hier en nou is. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
she want.to.AUX.MOD.PRT him against her feel want.to.AUX.MOD.PRT can.AUX.MOD.PRT touch.INF on this which.REL here and now is | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
She wanted to feel him against her, wanted to be able to touch that which is here and now. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
C.B. le Roux: Getuie, 2012, 177 |
Preterite agreement is particularly prevalent in preterite-perfect structures, i.e. when a perfect follows, as in:
iets wat lyk asof dit uit antieke tye sou kon gekom het. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
something that.REL look as.if.CNJ it out.of ancient times shall.AUX.MOD.PRT can.AUX.MOD.PRT come.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
something looking as if it could have stemmed from ancient times. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
M. Heese: Maestro, 2016, 132 |
In a minority of instances a modal preterite is found to be preceded by a present; examples such as the following – with sal as first modal – may be interpreted as an attempt to express a position between factual and counterfactual, i.e. the possibility (expressed by the present form sal) remains open. Note that in all instances preterite + present or preterite + preterite would not bring about a semantic difference.
In the following example the use of moet instead of moes perhaps also suggests a continuation rather than a termination of the situation: while the ability has ceased (kon), the necessity continues (moet).
swart ambagslui moet teen wittes kon kompeteer. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
black artisans must.AUX.MOD against whites can.AUX.MOD.PRT compete.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
black artisans would/might have to compete with whites | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
H. Giliomee: Afrikaners, 2004, 409 |
In the following, the speaker accuses (present kan, epistemic) the addressee of a past neglect (preterite wou).
Hoe kan jy my nie wou vertel het nie. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
how can.AUX.MOD you.2SG me not want.to.AUX.MOD.PRT tell.PST.PTCP have.AUX PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
How is it possible that you didn’t want to tell me. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
M. Bakkes, Littekens, 2005:125 |
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