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The resolution of hiatus between a sequence of a long monophthong + glide and a following vowel
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This section deals with how hiatus between a sequence of a long monophthong + glide and a following vowel is resolved. The glide ends up as the onset of the syllable headed by the following vowel.

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Examples of the resolution of hiatus between a long monophthong + glide sequence and a following vowel are given in (1):

1
Examples of the resolution of hiatus between a long monophthong + glide sequence and a following vowel
aaien /a:j+ən/ [(a:)(jən)] eggs
skoaier /sko:j+ər/ [(sko:)(jər)] beggar; cadger
iuwen /i:w+ən/ [(i:)(wən)] centuries; ages
letbloeier /-blu:j+ər/ [-(blu:)(jər)] late-bloomer, late flowerer

The stem-final glide ends up as the onset of the syllable which is headed by the following vowel. There is thus no glide insertion here. This implies that the quality of the glide is not determined by some homorganicity requirement, for long monophthong + glide sequences are the combination of a front vowel and the back glide /w/ or, the other way around, a back vowel and the front glide /j/(see sequences of three or four vowels). The glide in the onset of the right-most syllable makes for a reasonably good syllable contact, whereas the rhyme of the left-most syllable is in accordance with the Rhyme Constraint, since it occupies two structural phonological positions.

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The transcriptions in (1) suggest that the long vowels are realized in a purely monophthongal way. This, however, is not quite the case. With the exception of [a:], the final phase of the long vowel anticipates the following glide by means of desonorization. This is clearest with [o:] (skoaier). What might serve as an explanation for the latter is the fact that the difference in degree of opening of the vocal tract between the close vowels [i:] and [u:] and the high glides [w] and [j] (iuwen, letbloeier) is (much) smaller that that between the half close vowel [o:] and the glide [j].

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