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12.4. Parts of constituents

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There is a wide range of constructions in which a part of a clausal constituent occurs in postverbal position. Prototypical cases of such extraposed phrases are relative clauses and postnominal clauses/PPs (both modifiers and complements). Examples are provided in (73), in which the italicized parts clearly form a clausal constituent semantically. We refer to cases like these as split extraposition constructions (by analogy to the notion of split topicalization, which refers to cases in which a part of a clausal constituent is topicalized). Italics will be used throughout this subsection to indicate the split clausal constituents.

a.	Hij	heeft	de man	bezocht	die	hier	gisteren	was.	relative clause
	he	has	the man	visited	who	here	yesterday	was
	'He has visited the man who was here yesterday.'

b.	dat	Jan de vraag	stelde	of	het	regende.	complement clause
	that	Jan the question	put	whether	it	rained
	'that Jan asked the question whether it rained.'

c.	dat	Jan een boek	gekocht	heeft	uit de 16e eeuw.	PP-modifier
	that	Jan a book	bought	has	from the 16th century
	'that Jan has bought a book from the 16th century.'

For a long time, generative grammar has taken it for granted that split extraposition constructions are derived by movement from underlying structures in which the italicized parts are syntactic units; cf. Baltin (2006) for a review, subsection I will show that there are reasons for rejecting such a movement approach, subsection II continues by showing that split extraposition is not limited to relative clauses and complements/modifiers of noun phrases, but that it is a more general phenomenon. We illustrate this in (74) by cases in which an adjectival complementive is split: in (74a) the PP-complement op Peter of the adjective boos'angry' is extraposed, and in (74b), the extraposed clause is part of a complex modifier phrase of the adjective klein'small'.

a.	dat	Marie	erg boos	is op Peter.
	that	Marie	very angry	is at Peter
	'that Marie is very angry with Peter.'

b.	dat	de computer	zo klein	is	dat	hij	overal	past.
	that	the computer	so small	is	that	he	everywhere	fits
	'that the computer is so small that it fits everywhere.'

The conclusion that split extraposition cannot be derived by movement may give rise to the idea that we are not dealing with extraposition but with some form of right dislocation; cf. Section 12.1, sub IV, where it is shown that extraposition and right dislocation are sometimes difficult to distinguish, subsection III will argue against this hypothesis by showing that the postverbal parts of split extraposition constructions differ from right-dislocated phrases in that the former cannot be stranded under VP-topicalization; Kaan (1992) has in fact shown that both parts of the split constituent must be pied piped in order to obtain an acceptable result. We illustrate this in the (a)-examples in (75) for the extraposed relative clause in (73a); example (75b) is added to show that the full noun phrase can be stranded under VP-topicalization but in this case the relative clause is simply not extraposed, as is clear from the fact that it precedes the sentential negation niet'not', which cannot occur in postverbal position. Kaan’s generalization will be used as a test for distinguishing the postverbal part in split extraposition constructions from right-dislocated phrases.

a.		[De man	bezocht	die	hier	gisteren	was]	heeft	hij	niet.
		the man	visited	who	here	yesterday	was	has	he	not

a'.

[De man bezocht] heeft hij niet die hier gisteren was.

a''.

[Bezocht die hier gisteren was] heeft hij de man niet.

Bezocht heeft hij [de mandie hier gisteren was] niet.

The (a)-examples clearly show that the postverbal part in split extraposition constructions is clearly clause-internal, subsection IV concludes by discussing a fairly recent alternative for the movement approach initiated by Koster (2000), according to which split extraposition is a form of juxtaposition of the VP and some other phrase.

I. Relative clauses and postnominal complements/modifiers
II. Other cases of split extraposition
III. VP-topicalization
IV. An alternative analysis
V. Conclusion

[+] I. Relative clauses and postnominal complements/modifiers

Prototypical cases of split extraposition involve nominal arguments with a relative clause or a postnominal clause/PP. We illustrate this again in the examples in (76): the primeless examples indicate the structures of the noun phrases in the non-split pattern, while the primed examples illustrate the split extraposition pattern.

a.	dat	hij	[de man	[die	dit boek	geschreven	heeft]]	kent.
	that	he	the man	who	this book	written	has	knows
	'that he knows the man who has written this book.'

a'.		dat	hij	de man	kent	die	dit boek	geschreven	heeft.
		that	he	the man	knows	who	this book	written	has

b.	dat	hij	[de bewering	[dat	Marie gelogen	had]]	niet	kon	weerleggen.
	that	he	the contention	that	Marie lied	had	not	could	rebut
	'that he couldnʼt rebut the claim that Marie had lied.'

b'.		dat	hij	de bewering	niet	kon	weerleggen	dat	Marie gelogen	had.
		that	he	the contention	not	could	rebut	that	Marie lied	had

c.	dat	hij	[de man	[met het aapje]]	gezien	heeft.
	that	he	the man	with the monkey	seen	has
	'that he has seen the man with the monkey.'

c'.		dat	hij	de man	gezien	heeft	met het aapje.
		that	he	the man	seen	has	with the monkey

For completeness’ sake, we add the examples in (77) in order to show that split extraposition is not only possible with prepositional phrases but also with post- and circumpositional phrases; cf. Veld (1993:section 4.3).

a.	dat	ze	een weg	<de berg op>	bouwden <de berg op>.
	that	they	a road	the mountain up	built
	'that they built a road up the mountain.'

b.	dat	ze	een gang	<onder de weg door>	groeven < onder de weg door>.
	that	they	a tunnel	under the road door	dug
	'that they dug a tunnel underneath the road.'

Until the mid 1990’s many generative grammarians assumed that the split patterns in (76) and (77) are derived by movement. One reason was that a movement analysis immediately accounts for the fact that the postverbal phrase obeys selection restrictions imposed by the presumed selecting head, as well as the fact that the pre- and postverbal PP are in complementary distribution: cf. Corver (1991).

dat	Jan de hoop	<op/*voor hulp>	verloor <op/*voor hulp>.
that	Jan the hope	on/for help	lost
'that Jan lost all hope of help.'

The nature of the movement is not entirely clear, however. One generally accepted derivation involved the postulation of an extraposition transformation (which in the case of PPs was sometimes referred to as PP-over-V), which optionally moves the postnominal clause/PP rightwards into some postverbal position, as illustrated by structure (79a). Another view, which originates from the 1970’s and became quite popular after the publication of Kayne (1994), is the so-called raising (or promotion) analysis. According to this analysis, the noun phrase is generated to the right of the verb and subsequently moved into some position to left of the verb, while optionally stranding its post-nominal part; this is indicated by structure (79b), in which NP* stands for a somewhat larger nominal projection than the moved NP-projection.

[... [NP ... N ti ] ... V [rel-clausei/clause/PP]i]

extraposition/PP-over-V

[... [NP ... N]i ... V [NP*ti [rel-clausei/clause/PP]]]

raising/promotion

Despite the popularity of the two proposals there are many theoretical and empirical problems with them; we will provide some of the most important issues below and refer the reader to Koster (1973/1995/2000), Kaan (1992), De Vries (2002:ch.7), Boef (2013:ch.3), and references cited there for more detailed discussions.
A quite problematic aspect of the extraposition analysis in (79a) is that it presupposes that relative clauses and postnominal PPs can be extracted from noun phrases, while there is actually no independent evidence to support that claim. For example, while virtually any clausal constituent can be moved into clause-initial position, topicalization of relative clauses and postnominal clauses/PPs is excluded, as is illustrated by the primed examples in (80). The number sign in (80c') indicates that this example is acceptable if the met-PP is interpreted as a comitative adverbial phrase; this reading is irrelevant here.

a.	Hij	kent	[de man	[die	dit boek	geschreven	heeft]].
	he	knows	the man	who	this book	written	has
	'He knows the man who has written this book.'

a'.	*	Die	dit boek	geschreven	heeft	kent	hij	de man.
		who	this book	written	has	knows	he	the man

b.	Hij	kon	[de bewering	[dat	Marie gelogen	had]]	niet	weerleggen.
	he	could	the contention	that	Marie lied	had	not	rebut
	'He couldnʼt rebut the claim that Marie had lied.'

b'.	*	Dat	Marie gelogen	had	kon	hij	de bewering	niet	weerleggen.
		that	Marie lied	had	could	he	the contention	not	rebut

c.	Hij	heeft	[de man	[met het aapje]]	gezien.
	he	has	the man	with the monkey	seen
	'He has seen the man with the monkey.'

c'.	#	Met het aapje	heeft	hij	de man	gezien.
		with the monkey	has	he	the man	seen

The unacceptability of the primed examples follows from the hypothesis that noun phrases are islands for movement (cf. Section 11.3.1.1, sub VB), but this hypothesis would make the extraposition analysis in (79a) highly implausible anyway. Of course, there are also arguments in favor of the extraposition analysis but these do not seem very strong. For example, it has been argued that noun phrases such as het debuut van Hella Haasse do allow topicalization of their postnominal PP. However, topicalization of this sort is possible only if the PP is headed by van or over, and Section N2.2.1, sub VC, has shown that such topicalized PPs can be analyzed as restrictive adverbial phrases.

a.	Hij	heeft	[het debuut	van Hella Haasse]	gelezen.
	he	has	the debut	of Hella Haasse	read
	'He has read Hella Haasseʼs debut novel.'

b.		Hij	heeft	het debuut	gelezen	van Hella Haasse.	extraposition
		he	has	the debut	read	of Hella Haasse

b'.		Van Hella Haasse	heeft	hij	het	debuut	gelezen.	topicalization
		of Hella Haasse	has	he	the	debut	read

A more convincing argument in favor of the analysis in (79a) might be that scrambling of the object across a clausal adverb has a deteriorating effect on extraposition; this may follow from the so-called freezing effect, according to which moved phrases are islands for extraction. It should be noted, however, that Guéron (1980) has argued on the basis of English that extraposition is possible only from noun phrases that are part of the focus (new information) of the clause, while scrambled nominal arguments are typically part of the presupposition.

a.	Hij	heeft	waarschijnlijk	die man	<met het aapje>	gezien <met het aapje>.
	he	has	probably	that man	with the monkey	seen
	'He has probably seen that man with the monkey.'

b.		Hij	heeft	die man	<met het aapje>	waarschijnlijk	gezien <*met het aapje>.
		he	has	that man	with the monkey	probably	seen

Another potential argument against the freezing approach and in favor of Guéron’s proposal is that De Vries (2002:244) claims that split extraposition is possible in the case of topicalized phrases. It is not so clear, however, whether examples such as (83) indeed involve extraposition or whether we are dealing with right dislocation; the percentage signs in these examples indicates that according to some speakers an intonation break is preferred, which would suggest that we are dealing with right dislocation. Unfortunately, the VP-topicalization test from Section 12.1, sub IV, cannot be used to help us out in this case because the clause-initial position is already filled by the topicalized noun phrase itself; we therefore have to leave this issue for future research.

a.	Dat boek	heb	ik	de man	gegeven %(,)	dat	hij	graag	wilde	hebben.
	that book	have	I	the man	given	which	he	gladly	wanted	have
	'I have given that man the book which he liked to have.'

b.	Twee boeken	heeft	Jan hem gegeven %(,)	met mooie foto’s.
	two books	has	Jan him given	with beautiful pictures
	'Jan has given the man two books with beautiful pictures.'

Guéron’s claim may also tally with the fact that extraposition from noun phrases with definite articles is difficult and perhaps even impossible in English; cf. Baltin (2006). It should be noted, however, that replacing the demonstrative die'that' by the definite article de'the' in Dutch examples such as (82a) does not have the same far-reaching effect on acceptability judgments as in English, as is clear from the full acceptability of the examples in (76); see also Koster (2000). Whatever accounts for this conspicuous difference between English and Dutch, the main conclusion for the moment is that it is not a priori clear that an appeal to the syntactic notion of freezing is needed to account for the acceptability contrast indicated in the two examples in (82). This conclusion seems supported by the acceptability judgments on the examples in (84), which show that split extraposition becomes more difficult in general if more material intervenes between the extraposed phrase and its intended associate, which is given in italics; cf. Corver (1991:134).

a.	Els zei	dat	het zoontje	had opgebeld	van de buren.
	Els said	that	the sondim.	had prt.-called	of the neighbors
	'Els said that the son of the neighbors had called.'

b.	??	Els zei	dat	het zoontje	haar	had opgebeld	van de buren.
		Els said	that	the sondim.	her	had prt.-called	of the neighbors
		Intended reading: 'Els said that the son of the neighbors had called her.'

c.	*	Els zei	dat	het zoontje	haar vriendin	had opgebeld	van de buren.
		Els said	that	the sondim.	her friend	had prt.-called	of the neighbors
		Intended reading: 'Els said that the son of the neighbors had called her friend.'

Let us now turn to the raising analysis in (79b). A potential problem for this analysis is related to the fact that extraposition is not only possible from direct objects but also from indirect objects and subjects. In (85), we provide examples with extraposed relative clauses: the relative clauses and their antecedents are again in italics.

a.	Jan heeft	iemand	ontmoet	die	hem	wil	helpen.	direct object
	Jan has	someone	met	who	him	wants	help
	'Jan has met someone who wants to help him.'

b.	Jan heeft	iemand	10 euro	gegeven	die	hem wil	helpen.	indirect object
	Jan has	someone	10 euro	given	who	him wants	help
	'Jan has given 10 euros to someone who wants to help him.'

c.	Er	heeft	iemand	opgebeld	die	hem	wil	helpen.	subject
	there	has	someone	prt.-called	who	him	wants	help
	'Someone who wants to help him has telephoned.'

The examples in (85) involve indefinite nominal arguments but the examples in (86) show that split extraposition is also possible with definite nominal arguments (although the result seems slightly marked in case of an indirect object), provided that the nominal arguments are part of the focus (new information) of the clause and thus follow clausal adverbs such as waarschijnlijk'probably' (if present); placement of de man further to the left gives rise to a degraded result. Note in passing that the examples in (86) refute De Haan’s (1974:176-7) claim that split extraposition is excluded in the case of (definite) indirect objects and subjects.

a.		Jan heeft	waarschijnlijk	de man	ontmoet	die	hem wil	helpen.
		Jan has	probably	the man	met	who	him wants	help

b.	(?)	Jan heeft	waarschijnlijk	de man	10 euro	gegeven	die	hem wil	helpen.
		Jan has	probably	the man	10 euro	given	who	him wants	help

c.		Gisteren	heeft	waarschijnlijk	de man	opgebeld	die	hem wil	helpen.
		yesterday	has	probably	the man	prt.-called	who	him wants	help

Split extraposition with PPs is illustrated in (87). The case with an indirect object in (87b) is again somewhat marked but the case with a subject in (87c) is impeccable. Note that the acceptability of the (b)- and (c)-examples in (86) and (87) refutes De Haan’s (1974:176-7) claim that split extraposition is excluded in the case of (definite) indirect objects and subjects; the marked status of split extraposition with the indirect object in the (b)-examples should probably be attributed to the intervention effect noted in (84).

a.	Jan heeft	hier veel mensen	ontmoet	met financiële problemen
	Jan has	here many people	met	with financial problems
	'Jan has met a lot of people with financial problems here.'

b.	?	Marie heeft	veel mensen	raad	gegeven	met financiële problemen.
		Marie has	many people	advice	given	with financial problems
		'Marie has given advice to many people with financial problems.'

c.	Hier hebben	altijd	veel mensen	gewoond	met financiële problemen.
	here have	always	many people	lived	with financial problems
	'Many people with financial problems have lived here over time.'

The problem that the acceptability of the examples in (85) to (87) poses for the raising analysis is that this analysis presupposes that relative clauses can appear postverbally only if the noun phrases they modify are base-generated in a position following the surface position of the clause-final verbs. While this is plausible for objects, this is quite unlikely for subjects: assuming that the subject in (85c) is base-generated to the right of the surface position of the main verb is incompatible with the standard assumption presented in Section 9.2 that the clause-final verb is located within VP and thus follows the base position of the external argument (subject) of the main verb. The raising analysis therefore makes it necessary to revise the standard analysis of Dutch clauses, which should not be done light-heartedly; see also Koster (2000:8). Note in passing that the so-called scattered deletion approach proposed in Wilder (1995) and Sheehan (2010), which we did not discuss here, has the same flaw (which is in fact presented as a virtue by Sheehan on the basis of English data); we refer the reader to De Vries (2002:ch.7) for a more extensive review of this approach.
A problem for either proposal in (79) is that extraposition is also possible from a noun phrase that does not function as a clausal constituent itself but is embedded in a clausal constituent. This is illustrated in (88) for cases in which the noun phrases function as the complement of a prepositional object.

a.	Jan heeft	[op	[die man	[die	hem	wil	helpen]]]	gewacht.
	Jan has	for	that man	who	him	wants	help	waited
	'Jan has waited for that man who wants to help him.'

a'.

Jan heeft [op die man] gewacht die hem wil helpen.

b.	Jan moet	[op	[de bevestiging	[dat	hij	mag	komen]]]	wachten.
	Jan must	for	the confirmation	that	he	may	come	wait
	'Jan has to wait for the confirmation that he is allowed to come.'

b'.

Jan moet [op de bevestiging] wachten dat hij mag komen.

c.	Jan heeft	[op	[die man	<met het aapje>]]	gewacht.
	Jan has	for	that man	with the monkey	waited
	'Jan has waited for that man with the monkey.'

c'.

Jan heeft [op die man] gewacht met het aapje.

The problem for the extraposition analysis in (79a) is that we must assume that the extraposed phrase is extracted, not just from a noun phrase but also from the containing PP: cf. ... [PP P [NP ... N ti ]] ... V [rel-clause/clause/PP]i. The fact that examples such as *Wiei wacht je [PP op ti]?'Who are you waiting for?' are unacceptable shows that Dutch PPs normally behave as islands for movement, and this makes the extraposition analysis quite implausible because the extraposed phrase is not only extracted from a noun phrase but also from a PP. The problem with the raising approach is of a different nature: the presumed leftward movement involves the non-constituent op die man (cf. [PPop [NPdie man [rel-clausedie ...]]]). Under normal circumstances we would expect that movement of this PP cannot strand the postnominal phrase. It should be noted, however, that this argument only applies to theories that assume that the PP is base-generated as a unit; if we assume that complement-PPs are created in the course of the derivation, as suggested by Kayne (2004), this problem need not arise.
It is also generally assumed that extraposition is possible from noun phrases that are embedded in a postnominal PP, although there seem to be several restrictions on this option that are not yet well understood. Example (89a) has two alternating versions with extraposition. The first version is given in (89b) and simply involves extraposition of a postnominal PP from a direct object. The second alternant, which is given in (89c), is the one that is relevant here: it involves extraposition of a relative clause from a noun phrase that is embedded in a postnominal modifier (as is clear from the fact that the relative pronoun die cannot take the noun boek as antecedent because it does not agree with it in gender (cf. Het boek dat ik gelezen heb'the book I have read'), and thus must be construed with the noun plaatjes).

a.	dat	Jan	[een boek	[met plaatjes	[die ingekleurd zijn]]]	heeft	gekocht.
	that	Jan	a book	with pictures	which colored are	has	bought
	'that Jan has bought a book with colored pictures.'

b.		dat	Jan een boek	heeft	gekocht	met plaatjes	die ingekleurd zijn.
		that	Jan a book	has	bought	with pictures	which colored are

c.	(?)	dat	Jan een boekmet plaatjes	heeft	gekocht	die ingekleurd zijn.
		that	Jan a book with pictures	has	bought	which colored are

Example (89c) is perhaps slightly marked compared to (89b), but seems fully acceptable; the contrast may be computational in nature in the sense that speakers simply tend to connect extraposed relative clauses to the (structurally) closest antecedent. In (89c), this is, of course, the nominal projection een boek met plaatjes, and not the more deeply embedded phrase plaatjes. For one reason or another, this effect seems stronger if the extraposed phrase is of the same category as the postnominal modifier. This is illustrated in (90) for PPs.

a.	dat	Jan	[een boek	[met plaatjes	[in kleur]]]]	heeft	gekocht.
	that	Jan	a book	with pictures	in color	has	bought
	'that Jan has bought a book with colored pictures.'

b.		dat	Jan een boek	heeft	gekocht	met plaatjes	in kleur.
		that	Jan a book	has	bought	with pictures	in color

c.	?	dat	Jan een boekmet plaatjes	heeft	gekocht	in kleur.
		that	Jan a book with pictures	has	bought	in color

Example (90c) is reasonably acceptable but there are cases with a similar structure that are judged infelicitous by at least some speakers: see Haeseryn et al. (1997:1381ff.) for a range of cases which they claim resist split extraposition of the kind under discussion; see Johnson (1991: section 3.3.4 for similar data from English. Examples such as (91c), for instance, are given as unacceptable, although some of our informants consider them fairly acceptable, which we have indicated by a percentage sign.

a.	dat	Jan	[een boek	[met foto’s	[van zijn hond]]]	heeft.
	that	Jan	a book	with pictures	of his dog	has
	'that Jan has a book with pictures of his dog.'

b.		dat	Jan een boek	heeft	met foto’s van zijn hond.
		that	Jan a book	has	with pictures of his dog

c.	%	dat	Jan een boekmet foto’s	heeft	van zijn hond.
		that	Jan a book with pictures	has	of his dog

Although it is unclear to us what determines whether extraposition of a more deeply embedded PP leads to a generally accepted result or not, we conjecture that the restrictions are not of a syntactic nature, but that considerations of processing, semantic coherence, prosody, etc. are involved; because we are not aware of any in-depth investigations of this, we have to leave this to future research. If our provisional conclusion that all the (c)-examples in (89) to (91) are syntactically well-formed turns out to be well-founded, it would lead to problems of the kind that were already pointed out for the examples in (88). This time we are not aware of any existing proposal that can be utilized to solve the problem for the raising analysis. For completeness’ sake, note that the scattered deletion approach, which we dismissed earlier, would be able to handle this problem; see De Vries (2002:ch.7) for this.
Finally, we want to point out that the split extraposition pattern is also possible if the noun phrase is the complement of a locational/temporal adverbial PP; this is illustrated in (92) by means of a relative clause. The acceptability of the primed examples is again a severe problem for the movement analyses in (79), as such adverbial phrases are often considered to be absolute islands for movement. In addition, the raising approach is problematic because it requires the adjunct PPs to be base-generated postverbally and to be moved into their preverbal surface position, while there are good reasons for assuming the opposite: that the adverbial phrase is base-generated in preverbal position can be supported by the fact that this is the unmarked position for non-prepositional adverbial phrases like morgen'tomorrow' and gisteren'yesterday'; see Section 12.3, sub IV. Note in passing that this problem also holds for the scattered deletion approach mentioned earlier.

a.	Ik	heb	Els	[tijdens	[een workshop	[waar	zij	een lezing	gaf]]]	gezien.
	I	have	Els	during	a workshop	where	she	a talk	gave	seen
	'I saw Els during a workshop where she gave a talk.'

a'.		Ik	heb	Els tijdens een workshop	gezien	waar	zij	een lezing	gaf.
		I	have	Els during a workshop	seen	where	she	a talk	gave

b.	Ik heb Els voor het laatst	[in	[een park	[waar	ik	vaak	kom]]]	gezien.
	I have Els for the last.time	in	a park	where	I	often	come	seen
	'The last time I saw Els was in a park I like to frequent.'

b'.		Ik	heb	Els voor het laatst	in een park	gezien	waar	ik	vaak	kom.
		I	have	Els for the last.time	in a park	seen	where	I	often	come

All things considered, we may conclude from the data in this subsection that the split extraposition pattern cannot be accounted for by the two movement analyses in (79); these proposals can only be maintained if we allow the proposed movements to violate otherwise well-motivated island constraints on movement. The raising (as well as the scattered deletion) approach furthermore requires that we adopt the quite unorthodox claim that the external argument (≈ subject) of the verb has a base-position that is structurally lower than (or, in linear terms, to the right of) the surface position of the clause-final verb.

[+] II. Other cases of split extraposition

Subsection I has illustrated the split extraposition pattern for nominal phrases. Although this is the prototypical case, it has been known for a long time that the split also occurs with other categories; cf. Koster (1974). We illustrate this in (93a) for complementive adjectival phrases with a PP-complement. It should be noted that such cases cannot easily be used to argue against a movement analysis of extraposition because the PP-complements can also be moved leftwards, as is illustrated in the primed examples by means of topicalization.

a.	dat	Marie [AP	erg boos	<op Peter>]	is <op Peter>.
	that	Marie	very angry	at Peter	is
	'that Marie is very angry with Peter.'

a'.		[Op Peter]i	is Marie [AP	erg boos ti].
		at Peter	is Marie	very angry

b.	dat	Jan [AP	erg dol	<op chocola>]	is <op chocola>.
	that	Jan	very fond	of chocolate	is
	'that Jan is very fond of chocolate.'

b'.		[Op chocola]i	is Jan [AP	erg dol ti].
		of chocolate	is Jan	very fond

Things are different if the extraposed phrase is part of a modifier of the adjective. This is illustrated in (94) by means of the discontinuous degree phrase zo ... dat hij overal past'so .. that it fits everywhere'. Despite the fact that A3.1.3, sub IB, has shown that the finite degree phrase is part of the AP (they can be extraposed together), it is preferably in extraposed position; placing the clause in the position preceding the copular verb zijn gives rise to a quite marked result. Nevertheless, the fact illustrated by (94b) that the degree clause cannot be topicalized in isolation strongly suggests that it cannot be extracted from the AP; cf. Rijkhoek (1998).

a.	dat	de computer	zo klein	is	dat	hij	overal	past.
	that	the computer	so small	is	that	he	everywhere	fits
	'that the computer is so small that it fits everywhere.'

Dat hij overal past is de computer zo klein.

The unacceptability of (94b) thus suggests again that the split extraposition pattern in (94a) is not island-sensitive. This is further supported by the examples in (95), which show that the AP can easily be more deeply embedded: in (94b) the split AP is part of a direct object and in (94c) it is part of a PP-object.

a.	dat	Jan	[een	zo kleine	computer]	wil	hebben	dat hij overal past.
	that	Jan	a	so small	computer	want	have	that he fits everywhere
	'that Jan wants to have such a small computer that it fits everywhere.'

b.	dat	Jan	[naar	[een	zo kleine	computer]]	zoekt	dat hij overal past.
	that	Jan	for	a	so small	computer	looks	that he fits everywhere
	'that Jan is looking for such a small computer that it fits everywhere.'

That extraposition of degree clauses is not island-sensitive is also clear from the fact that they can be associated with modified manner adverbs such as hard'loud' in (96), despite the fact that such adverbial phrases are often considered to be absolute islands for movement.

dat	de band	zo hard	speelt	dat	je	elkaar	niet	kan	verstaan.
that	the band	so loudly	plays	that	one	each.other	not	can	hear
'that the band plays so loudly that you canʼt hear each other.'

We find essentially the same with dan/als-phrases accompanying comparatives; see Section A4. The examples in (97) first show that despite the fact that the dan/als-phrases cannot be topicalized, the split extraposition pattern is possible (and perhaps even preferred). This again suggests that split extraposition is not island-sensitive.

a.	dat	zijn computer	minder snel	<dan de mijne>	is <dan de mijne>.
	that	his computer	less fast	than the mine	is
	'that his computer is less fast than mine.'

Dande mijne is zijn computer minder snel.

More support comes from the fact that the comparative can easily be more deeply embedded: in (98a) the split AP is part of a direct object and in (98b) it is part of a PP-object.

a.	dat	Jan	[een	snellere	computer]	wil	hebben	dande mijne.
	that	Jan	a	faster	computer	wants	have	than the mine
	'that Jan wants to have a faster computer than mine.'

b.	dat	Jan	[naar	[een	snellere computer]]	zoekt	dande mijne.
	that	Jan	for	a	faster computer	looks	than the mine
	'that Jan is looking for a faster computer than mine.'

That extraposition of dan/als-phrases is not sensitive to islands is also clear from the fact that they can be associated with modified manner adverbs such as sneller'faster' in (99), despite the fact that such adverbial phrases are often considered to be absolute islands for movement.

dat	Jans computer	sneller	werkt	dan de mijne.
that	Janʼs computer	faster	works	than the mine
'that Janʼs computer works more quickly than mine.'

For completeness’ sake, observe that split extraposition is not possible in the case of attributively used adjectives. This is illustrated by means of the examples in (100); while the PP-complement of the adjective verliefd can be extraposed if the AP is used as a complementive, it cannot if it is used as an attributive modifier.

100

a.	dat	Jan verliefd	<op Marie>	is <op Marie>.
	that	Jan in-love	with Marie	is
	'that Jan is in love with Peter.'

b.	dat	ik	een	<op Peter>	verliefde	jongen	ontmoette <*op Peter>.
	that	I	a	with Marie	in.love	boy	met
	'that I met a boy who is in love with Peter.'

[+] III. VP-topicalization

Subsections I and II have shown that split extraposition is not sensitive to islands for extraction, which suggests that we are not dealing with movement, which subsequently raises the question as to what extraposition is. One possibility is that we are dealing with right dislocation. This does not seem the correct solution, however, given that Section 12.1, sub IV, has shown that right-dislocated phrases have a tendency of stranding under VP-topicalization, while postverbal phrases in split extraposition constructions tend to be pied piped, as illustrated in (101) for extraposed postnominal phrases. Observe that the primed examples are acceptable with the typical intonation contour of an afterthought, that is, with an intonation break and an additional accent in the phrase following this break. This would suggest that while the dislocated phrases are external to the preposed verbal projection, the extraposed phrases in (101) are internal to it. Recall from the introduction to this section that the nominal phrase in preverbal position must also be pied piped in order to arrive at an acceptable result (Kaan’s generalization); this is, of course, expected given that Subsection I has shown that scrambling blocks the split extraposition pattern.

101

a.	[De man	kennen	die	dit boek	geschreven	heeft]	doet	hij	niet.
	the man	know	who	this book	written	has	does	he	not
	'He doesnʼt know the man who has written this book.'

a'.

[De man kennen] doet hij niet *(,) die dit boek geschreven heeft.

b.	[De bewering	weerleggen	dat	Marie gelogen	had]	kon	hij	niet.
	the contention	rebut	that	Marie lied	had	could	he	not
	'He couldnʼt rebut the claim that Marie had lied.'

b'.

[De bewering weerleggen] kon hij niet *(,)dat Marie gelogen had.

c.	[De man	gezien	met het aapje]	heeft	hij	niet.
	the man	seen	with the monkey	has	he	not
	'He hasnʼt seen the man with the monkey.'

c'.

[De man gezien] heeft hij niet *(,)met het aapje.

The examples in (102) show essentially the same as the examples in (101) but now we are dealing with cases in which the split noun phrase is embedded in a PP-object. In accordance with Kaan’s generalization, pied piping of the extraposed phrase requires the PP to be pied piped as well, as in the primeless examples. As in the case of nominal objects the full PP can be stranded under VP-topicalization: cf. Gewacht heeft Jan niet op die man die hem wil helpen.

102

a.	[Op die man	gewacht	die hem wil helpen]	heeft	Jan niet.
	for that man	waited	who him wants help	has	Jan not
	'Jan hasnʼt waited for that man who wants to help him.'

a'.

[Op die man gewacht] heeft Jan niet *(,) die hem wil helpen.

b.	[Op de bevestiging	gewacht	dat	hij	mag	komen]	heeft	Jan niet.
	for the confirmation	waited	that	he	may	come	has	Jan not
	'Jan hasnʼt waited for the confirmation that he is allowed to come.'

b'.

[Op de bevestiging gewacht] heeft Jan niet*(,) dat hij mag komen.

c.	[Op de man	gewacht	met het aapje]	heeft	Jan niet.
	for the man	waited	with the monkey	has	Jan not
	'Jan hasnʼt waited for the man with the monkey.'

c'.

[Op de man gewacht] heeft Jan niet *(,)met het aapje.

The examples in (103) illustrate the same again but now for split APs. The degraded status of (103a'') is especially telling as dol meaning "fond (of)" obligatorily takes an op-PP as its complement, and we have seen in Subsection IC that such obligatory PPs can only be right-dislocated if a pronominal PP is present in preverbal position. Note in passing that in accordance with Kaan’s generalization the complementive and the manner adverb in the singly-primed examples cannot be stranded under VP-topicalization; this is expected given that this also holds for cases of VP-topicalization with a simple adjective: cf. Hard spelen zal de band niet versus *Spelen zal de band <hard> niet <hard>.

103

a.	Ik	ben	mijn hele leven	[dol	<op chocola>]	gebleven <op chocola>.
	I	am	my whole life	fond	of chocolate	stayed
	'I have remained fond of chocolate my whole life.'

a'.

[Dol gebleven op chocola] ben ik mijn hele leven.

a''.

[Dol gebleven] ben ik mijn hele leven (,) op chocola.

b.	De band zal	niet	zo hard	spelen	dat	je	elkaar	niet	kan	verstaan.
	the band will	not	so loudly	play	that	you	each.other	not	can	hear
	'The band wonʼt play so loudly that you canʼt hear each other.'

b'.

[Zo hard spelen dat je elkaar niet kan verstaan] zal de band niet.

b''.

[Zo hard spelen] zal de band niet *(,) dat je elkaar niet kan verstaan.

For completeness’ sake we conclude by providing similar examples in (104) with a comparative dan/als-phrase.

104

a.	[Een snellere computer	vinden	dan de mijne]	kon	hij	niet.
	a faster computer	find	than the mine	could	he	not
	'He couldn't find a faster computer than mine.'

a'.

[Een snellere computer vinden ] kon hij niet dan de mijne.

b.	[Sneller	werken	dan de mijne]	doet	Jans computer	niet.
	faster	work	than the mine	does	Janʼs computer	not
	'Janʼs computer doesnʼt work faster than mine.'

b'.

[Sneller werken ] doet Jans computer nietdan de mijne.

The examples above show that extraposed phrases in the split extraposition construction differ from right-dislocated clauses in that they are internal to the preposed verbal projection. Consequently, we are in need of another non-movement account for the split extraposition pattern.

[+] IV. An alternative analysis

Koster (1995/2000) proposes to analyze split extraposition as a form of juxtaposition. The initial motivation for this was that we find the split pattern also in coordinate structures; a movement analysis of an example such as (105a) would go against the coordinate structure constraint, which is held to be universally valid. De Vries (2002) further claimed that split coordination resembles split extraposition in that the postverbal part can be pied piped under VP-topicalization, and we do indeed detect a sharp contrast between the pied piping case in (105b) and the stranding case in (105b'), which is severely degraded (even if the second part of the conjunction is preceded by an intonation break). The percentage sign in (105b) is used to indicate that while De Vries gives this example as fully acceptable, we find the result somewhat marked.

105

a.	Marie heeft	[Jan	<en Peter>]	bezocht <en Peter>.
	Marie has	Jan	and Peter	visited
	'Marie has visited Jan and Peter.'

b.	%	[Jan bezocht en Peter]	heeft	Marie	niet.
		Jan visited en Peter	has	Marie	not

b'.	*	[Jan	bezocht]	heeft	Marie niet (,)	en Piet.
		Jan	visited	has	Marie not	and Piet

That the split pattern cannot be derived by movement is also made clear when considering subjects: while the non-split pattern in (106a) triggers plural agreement on the finite verb, the split pattern in (106b) does not; Koster (2000) notes that this would be unexpected if (106b) were derived from (106a) by movement.

106

a.	Jan en Peter	hebben/*heeft	dit boek	gelezen.
	Jan and Peter	have/has	this book	read
	'Jan and Peter have read this book.'

b.	Jan heeft/*hebben	dit boek	gelezen	en Peter.
	Jan has/have	this book	read	and Peter
	'Jan has read this book and Peter.'

Another unexpected fact under the movement approach is that while the non-split-pattern is subject to the coordinate structure constraint, which prohibits extraction of/from a single conjunct, the split pattern is not subject to this constraint. This is illustrated by the contrast between the two (b)-examples in (107).

107

a.	Zij	heeft	[Jan	<en Peter>]	bezocht <en Peter>.
	she	has	Jan	and Peter	visited
	'She has visited Jan and Peter.'

Jani heeft zij [ti en Peter] bezocht.

b'.

Jani heeft zij ti bezocht en Peter.

Koster proposes that the split patterns differ from the non-split patterns in that they do not involve coordination of equals, as in (108a), but rather have the form in (108b) where the equal of the second conjunct is embedded in a larger phrase. The split pattern may involve coordination of various verbal projections (VP, TP, or CP) and a noun phrase, as indicated in (108b). Note in passing that in cases like (108b) the second conjunct is actually external to the clause, for which reason we may analyze this as a kind of right dislocation; we ignore this issue here and refer the reader to Section 14.3, sub VII, for a brief discussion of a proposal which would imply this.

108

[XP & XP], e.g., [Jan en Peter]

b.		[[YP ... XP ...] & XP]
		i. Marie heeft [[VP Jan bezocht] en Peter].
		ii. [[TP Jan heeft dit boek gelezen] en Peter].
		iii. [[CP Jani heeft zij ti bezocht] en Peter].

The form of coordination in (108b) raises a lot of questions, especially the fact that the two conjuncts are not parallel in categorial status, syntactic function and meaning. We will not go into this here, because De Vries (1999/2002) has proposed an alternative, according to which we are dealing with coordination of two verbal projections plus deletion of identical material. According to this proposal, the three examples in (108b) receive the representations in (109).

109

VP & VP: Marie heeft [[VP Jan bezocht] en [VP Peter bezocht]].

IP & IP: [[IP Jan heeft dit boek gelezen] en [IP Peter heeft dit boek gelezen]].

CP & CP: [[CP Jani heeft zij ti bezocht] en [CP Peteriheeft zijti bezocht]].

Note in passing that structures such as (109c) will be analyzed as right dislocations in Section 14.3 but in order to not complicate the discussion we will ignore this issue here, while noting that we cannot apply the VP-topicalization test to this case so that there is no syntactic evidence to reject the right dislocation analysis here.
The hypothesis put forward by Koster is that split extraposition is a specific case of parallel construal; this notion refers to a larger set of structures in which two (or more) elements are juxtaposed and in which the second phrase specifies the first. For concreteness’ sake, we will follow De Vries who argues that the split extraposition pattern can also be analyzed as asyndetic specifying coordination plus ellipsis; see also Bianchi (1999:264ff.). The primed examples in (110) illustrate his analysis of split extraposition for a direct object; the element &: marks a phonetically empty conjunction with a specifying meaning.

110

a.	Jan heeft	de man	ontmoet	die	hem wil	helpen.
	Jan has	the man	met	who	him wants	help
	'Jan has met the man who wants to help him.'

a'.

Jan heeft [[VPde man ontmoet] &: [VPde mandie hem wil helpenontmoet]].

b.	Jan heeft	veel mensen	ontmoet	met financiële problemen.
	Jan has	many people	met	with financial problems
	'Jan has met many people with financial problems.'

b'.

Jan heeft [[VPveel mensen ontmoet]&: [VPveel mensenmet financiële problemenontmoet]].

Given that the examples in (111) show that ellipsis may affect subparts of phrases and words, it does not come as surprise that split extraposition is also able to affect subparts of phrases like the relative clause and postnominal modifier in (110).

111

[Jan

zit

[links

van

Peter]]

[Els

zit

[rechts

van

Peter]].

Jan

sits

to.the.left

Peter

and

Els

sits

to.the.right

Peter

'Jan is sitting to the left and Els is sitting to the right of Peter.'

b.		[[invoer]	and	[uitvoer]]
		import	and	export

Following this line of reasoning, we can expect that the extraposed phrase may originate in quite deeply embedded positions. This is illustrated in (112a) for split extraposition involving a noun phrase that functions as the complement of a prepositional object and in (112b) of a noun phrase that is part of a postnominal modifier.

112

a.	Jan heeft	op die man	gewacht	die	hem	wil	helpen.
	Jan has	for that man	waited	who	him	wants	help
	'Jan has waited for that man who wants to help him.'

a'.

Jan heeft [[VP [PP op die man] gewacht] &: [VP [PPop die mandie hem wil helpen] gewacht]].

b.	Jan heeft	een boekmet plaatjes	gekocht	die ingekleurd zijn.
	Jan has	a book with pictures	bought	which colored are
	'Jan has bought a book with colored pictures.'

b'.

Jan heeft

[[VP [NP een boek [PP met plaatjes]] gekocht] &: [VP [NPeen boek [PPmet plaatjes [REL-clausedie ingekleurd zijn]]] gekocht]].

Another advantage of De Vries’ analysis is that it can account for the fact shown in (113) that the extraposed phrase obeys selection restrictions imposed by its associate, for the simple reason that the two form a unit in the second conjunct. It is not immediately clear how Koster’s proposal could account for this.

113

a.	Jan heeft	de hoop	<op/*voor hulp>	verloren <op/*voor hulp>.
	Jan has	the hope	on/for help	lost
	'that Jan has lost all hope of help.'

Jan heeft [[VP [NP de hoop] verloren] &: [VP [NPde hoop [PP op hulp]] verloren]].

Furthermore, De Vries’ analysis immediately derives the fact that the extraposed part of the "split" phrase cannot be stranded. The primed representations in (110) and (112) show that stranding can only be derived by moving the first conjunct (here: VP) of the coordinate structure, but this would violate the coordinate structure constraint. Given that this constraint also prohibits subextraction from one of the conjuncts, we may have a principled account for Kaan’s generalization that it is impossible to pied piped the postverbal part while stranding the preverbal part (thus making an appeal to Guéron’s semantic restriction on split extraposition unnecessary). Finally, we can also derive Ross’ (1967) Right Roof Constraint on extraposition illustrated in (114), according to which the postverbal part cannot be "moved" out of its own minimal finite clause. The reason is that coordination always involves clause-internal elements; example (114b) is excluded because the reduced phrase [VP [NPde vrouw die hier net was] kent] cannot be coordinated with the VP of the topicalized clause.

114

a.	[Clause`	Dat	hij	de vrouw	kent	die	hier net	was]	is duidelijk.
	[Clause`	that	he	the woman	knows	who	here just.now	was	is clear
	'It is clear that he knows the woman who was here just now.'

[Clause Dat hij de vrouw kent] is duidelijk die hier net was.

A potential drawback of De Vries’ proposal is that it requires forward deletion (deletion in the second conjunct) of material in the right periphery of the second conjunct, while this type of conjunction reduction can only be applied backwards, as is clear from the contrast between (115a&b).

115

a.	[[Jan	heeft	een boek	gekocht]	en	[Marie heeft	een CD	gekocht]].
	Jan	has	a book	bought	and	Marie has	a CD	bought
	'Jan has bought a book and Marie has bought a CD.'

b.	*	[[Jan	heeft	een boek	gekocht]	en	[Marie heeft	een CD	gekocht]].
		Jan	has	a book	bought	and	Marie has	a CD	bought

It should be noted, however, that there are also cases which perhaps can be analyzed as forward deletion. De Vries (2011a/2011b) provides examples such as (116).

116

a.	[Jan	heeft	een boek	gekocht]	en	[Marie	heeft	ook	een boek	gekocht].
	Jan	has	a book	bought	and	Marie	has	also	a book	bought
	'Jan has bought a book and Mary has too.'

b.	[Jan	heeft	een boek	gekocht]	en	[Marie heeft	een CD	gekocht].
	Jan	has	a book	bought	and	Marie has	a CD	bought
	'Jan has bought a book and Marie a CD.'

Vanden Wyngaerd (2011) points out that unifying the deletion operation postulated in the derivation of extraposition with the deletion operation that derives the so-called gapping construction in (116b) overgenerates: the remnants in the gapping constructions are normally clausal constituents and not parts of clausal constituents; cf. Hankamer (1971) and Neijt (1979:ch.3). Unifying the two deletion operations thus wrongly predicts the gapping constructions in (117) to be acceptable. We will leave this issue to future research and refer the reader to the discussion between De Vries and Vanden Wyngaerd for more details.

117

[Jan

heeft

het gerucht

gehoord

dat Marie zwanger

is]

[Peter

heeft

het gerucht

gehoord

dat

Els

bevallen

is].

Jan

has

the rumor

heard

that Marie pregnant

and

Peter

has

the rumor

heard

that

Els

given.birth

Intended reading: 'Jan has heard the rumor that Marie is pregnant and Peter has heard the rumor that Els has given birth.'

[Jan

heeft

meer artikelen

gelezen

dan boeken]

[Peter

heeft

meer artikelen

gelezen

dan recensies].

Jan

has

read

than books

and

Peter

has

read

than reviews

Intended reading: 'Jan has read more articles than books and Peter has read more articles than reviews.'

[+] V. Conclusion

This subsection has shown that there are several problems in analyzing split extraposition as the result of movement analyses. We therefore concluded our discussion by introducing fairly recent proposal, according to which split extraposition is actually a form of juxtaposition (with or without deletion). The approach seems to be relatively successful in deriving the basic facts; it is not surprising therefore that attempts are being made to derive a wider range of data from the same mechanism: non-split extraposition (Koster 1995/1999), appositional constructions (Heringa 2012), contrastive left dislocation (Ott 2014), backgrounding right dislocation (De Vries & Ott 2012/2015), etc. We will return in Section 14.2 and Section 14.3 to the cases of left and right dislocation.

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About this article

Author(s): Hans Broekhuis, Norbert Corver

Category: Dutch Syntax

Keywords: ClauseComparativeComplex Degree ModifierCoordinationDegree ModifierEllipsisExtrapositionKaan's GeneralizationModifierObjectNoun PhrasePrepositional ObjectRelative ClauseRight Roof ConstraintScramblingSplit CoordinationSplit Extraposition

Version: 1.0, January 2016

Version history:

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