/ instituut voor de Nederlandse taal / Taalportaal
bibliography glossary about
  • Dutch
  • Frisian
  • Saterfrisian
  • Afrikaans
Show all
    Endocentric NN
    quickinfo

    Most compounds have a head which determines the overall semantic and morpho-syntactic properties of the compound as a whole. Compounds with a head are called endocentric compounds. The Frisian endocentric NN-compounds are right-headed: the constituent on the right determines the semantic class, the syntactic category and the gender of the compound. This is illustrated by minimal pairs such as (it) kraanwetter the tapwater (from common kraan tap + neuter wetter water) versus (de) wetterkraan (the) water tap. The left constituent of endocentric compounds functions as a semantic modifier of the meaning of the head constituent. For instance, kraanwetter is a type of water that is in some way connected to a kraan tap. Here, the specific interpretation of this general semantic relationship is that kraan denotes the source of the water. Whatever this relationship, it is always the case that the compound as a whole is a hyponym of the second element: kraanwetter is only a part of all that is called wetter.

    The semantic relationship between head and modifier is very free; one could say that a compound may be formed wherever a relationship is conceivable. Some compounds show a special relationship. This is the case with appositional compounds, where the reference of the compound is an intersection of that of both members. Hence, a broekrok culottes is a rok skirt that is also a broek trousers. Special cases within the appositional compounds are those in which the first member is a true subset of the second, for instance in einfûgel duck-bird duck, hence the name "tautological compounds" .

    An important issue in the field of Frisian endocentric NN-compounds is what happens at the borderline between the two members. Basically, there are three options. The null option is that the two member words are simply joined to each other in their basic forms. The examples presented above are instances of such a bare compound. We see, however, also truncation of a final element of the first member. This may occur with many nouns ending in a schwa, where the schwa is deleted in the compounding operation. For example, when the noun skoalle school is merged with bestjoer board, we get skoalbestjoer school-board governing body (of a school).

    There is also a third option, i.e. the insertion of a linking element. Quite common are the linkers -e and -s. Examples are heit father + lân land > heitelân father-LK-land native country and folk people + liet song > folksliet folk-LK-song national anthem. The diminutive suffix may also figure as a linking element, even after nouns that cannot be given a diminutive form independently. An example is goud gold, in goudsjeblom gold-LK-flower marigold. Next to these three relatively common forms, we also may encounter the rarer and more unproductive linking elements -en-, -el- and -te-.

    Truncation and linking, and with respect to the latter also the question as to which element has to be chosen, often seem to be a matter of accident, although in some (sub)cases it is not impossible to formulate some tendencies or even rules.

    readmore
    [+]Headedness

    The head of the endocentric NN compounds is the right-hand member. It determines the gender of the full compound. Take, for example, the nouns wetter water, which has neuter gender, and the noun kraan tap, which has common gender. Then the compound wetterkraan water tap has also common gender, i.e. it takes the definite article de. If we reverse the order, we get the compound kraanwetter tap water, and then the member wetter is the head. This noun is neuter, which renders the whole compound neuter, thereby taking the article it, hence it kraanwetter. There are a few exceptions to this rule. These are it finster the window + de bank the ledge > it finsterbank the window-ledge, it pakje the package + de drager the support > it pakjedrager (luggage) carrier and it festje the waistcoat + de bûs the pocket > it festjebûs the waistcoat pocket. However, a lot of Frisian speakers make these compounds regular nowadays and therefore select the definite article de the, in keeping with the general rule of right-headedness.

    The head also determines the form of the plural and the diminutive of the compound. The plural of wetterkraan is wetterkranen, according to the plural form kranen of the head kraan. Its diminutive form kraantsje results in the diminutive compound wetterkraantsje. Although it has to be admitted that the forms are semantically odd, the plural and diminutive of the compound kraanwetter would have been kraanwetters and kraanwetterke, respectively, hence with different plural and diminutive suffixes.

    The function of the head is also reflected in the semantics. So, a wetterkraan watter tap is a kind of kraan tap, where, on the other hand, kraanwetter tap water is a kind of water. The semantic relation between the head and the modifying first member can be expressed very loosely as 'having something to do with'. In this case, the most plausible interpretation of wetterkraan is that it is a tap that emits running water. But a local relationship could just as well apply, i.e. a tap that is submerged in the water. In any case, the compound as a whole denotes a subset of the head element. For example, kraanwetter tap water is just one of the instances or kinds of water that exist. This is a contrast to exocentric compounds and coordinative compounds, where this subset relation is not found.

    [+]Phonological properties

    The stress in this type of compounds is on the first member, i.e. on the modifier. Hence we have kraanwetter and wetterkraan. There are a few exceptions to this rule. Examples are stedhûs town hall and boeresoan farmer-LK-son farmer's son. Note that genitive compounds and also coordinative compounds, although both displaying a combination of two nouns, show a different stress pattern.

    At de borderline between the members of a compound, several phonological processes may take place, likeassimilation, nasalization and degemination. See the section on Frisian phonology for more information. Nasalization and degemination can be seen as deletion processes. Also /r/ may be deleted in this context. Idiosyncratic is the deletion of /s/ in bûsdoek [buduk] handkerchief. The full form of the left-hand member is bûse pocket.

    Compounds are also an important context for breaking and shortening. For example, we see breaking in foet foot + bal ball > fuotbal football, where it is also reflected in the spelling <uo>. An example of shortening is stêd [ɛ:] town + man man > stedman [ɛ] citizen.

    Occasionally, we can observe severe historical contractions within the entire compound, affecting both members. The word skûlk tea towel, for instance, developed from the compound skûtel-doek dish-cloth. And the minimally different word skelk apron comes from skerteldoek skerte-LK-doek, literally lap-cloth, with a linking element-el-. In general, such radical reductions can only have taken place if the combination was no longer felt to be a compound and therefore one may assume that the word boundary between the two members has been weakened.

    [+]Allomorphy

    In the section above, we saw that the left-hand member may undergo various phonological processes. In addition, we find a few idiosyncratic variants. It should be noted that these often resemble irregular plural forms, although it is not necessarily the case that the first member has plural reference.

    A few Frisian nouns show vowel lengthening in their plural form, probably under Dutch influence. We see the same lengthening in compounding:

    Table 1
    singular plural compound
    lid member leden [le:dən] ledelist [le:də]- membership list
    gebed [ɡəbɛt] prayer gebeden [gəbe:dən] gebedeboek [gəbe:də]- prayer book
    god god [ɡɔt] goaden [ɡo.ədən] goadewrâld [ɡo.ədə]- world of the gods

    The words man male and frou female show the irregular pluralsmanlju and froulju. It is these forms that are encountered as first part of an NN-compound. Examples are manljusklean man's clothes, manljuslûd man's voice, frouljusfyts women's bike and frouljusnamme women's name. Compounds with manlju- or froulju- are always accompanied by the linking element -s, as in manljusklean etcetera. Moreover, the form froulju(-) is irregular phonologically. It has a long monophthong [ɔ:] in [frɔ:ljə], where the singular has a diphthong: [frɔ.w]. This must be attributed to a rhyming effect under the influence of the pronunciation of manlju(-) [mɔ̃:ljə], from singular man [mɔn], with regular nasalization and subsequent vowel lengthening. Note that the forms manlju- and froulju- are compounds themselves, although this is opaque nowadays; the second element also occurs as the independent word lju people (a plurale tantum).

    In addition, the word skoech shoe has the irregular plural skuon. This form is often found when this word occurs as the first member of a compound. Examples are skuonfiter shoelace, skuonboarstel shoe brush or skuonwinkel shoe shop. However, examples with the singular stem also occur, for instance in skoechsoal shoe sole.

    Not every allomorph is mirrored in irregular plural forms. The word hynder horse, for example, regularly takes the plural suffix -s, but it shows the form hynst- when it is the first constituent of a compound. Examples are hynstesturt horsetail, hynsteboer farmer of horses, hynsteljirre smoked horse meat and hynstestâl horse stable. We always find the linking element -e between this form hynst and the second constituent, as in hynstesturt horsetail. The element hynst also occurs as an independent word; it then means stallion. A compound like hynstesturt is therefore ambiguous between tail of a horse and tail of a stallion.

    On the other hand, it cannot be upheld either that irregular plural forms necessarily figure as first members of compounds. The word ko cow, for example, has kij as its plural. Nevertheless, this form does not exist as first member of NN-compounds.

    [+]Productivity, recursivity and structural ambiguity

    Endocentric NN-compounds probably form the most productive compound pattern in Frisian. Basically, all pairs of nouns can be fused to a compound as long as this makes sense from a semantic or pragmatic perspective. For example, the concept of sykte illness seems to be restricted to living beings. Hence a putative compound autosykte car-sickness would be interpreted as sickness as a result of riding in a car. However, in a metaphorical sense even this could be extended to the interpretation a type of car that shows a typical weakness.

    Another factor that may hamper the productivity of these compounds somewhat is the effect of blocking. To mention an example, the language user could form a compound like moterwein motor-wagon in principle, and this compound has been recorded in the comprehensive WFT(Veen 1984-2011), indeed. However, nowadays everybody refers to the relevant concept by means of the word auto car.

    Some affixes may also impose restrictions on nouns acting as a first member. This is a well-known fact with respect to the suffix -ens, cf. the unacceptability of a compound like *ûnbewenberensferklearring declaration of uninhabitability. The nominalizing prefix ge- may also be a candidate. A compound like *gerinpaad walking-path is impossible.

    The high productivity of endocentric NN-compounding is enhanced by the feature of recursivity: a compound can be embedded in another compound. For example, the nouns auto car and doar door can be compounded to autodoar. In turn, this can operate as the left-hand member for another compound. For example, with kaai key, we can form autodoarkaai [[[auto](N)[doar](N)](N)[kaai](N)](N) key of the car door. This, in turn, can form a compound with spiker nail, to autodoarkaaispiker [[[[auto](N)[doar](N)](N)[kaai](N)](N)[spiker](N)](N) nail for hanging the key of the car door.

    Recursivity is not restricted to the first member of the compound. Next to a division [[auto[doar[kaai]]][spiker]] we could also have a compound that is made up structurally as [[auto][doar]][[kaai][spiker]], in which the second member is complex. An even more complex right-hand member would be [[auto][[doar][[kaai][spiker]]]]. Even the middle terms could have been compounded in a first stage: [auto][[doar][kaai]][spiker]. Since compounds obey binary branching, this still leaves open the possibility of two different structures: the complex middle term might branch to the left and then function as an embedded head in [[[auto][[doar][kaai]]][spiker]]. The other possibility is that the middle terms branch to the right and then function as an embedded modifier of spiker, hence with the structure [[auto][[[doar][kaai]][spiker]]].

    Parallel to these structural ambiguities we find (sometimes subtle) semantic differences, dependent on which member or combinations of members function as modifiers or heads. The ambiguities are also reflected in the stress pattern of the compound. In a compound with three members, for example autodoarkaai, the primary stress is always on the first member, here on auto. But secondary stress may differ. In [[[auto][doar]][kaai]] it is on kaai. If the structure is [[auto][[doar][kaai]]], it is doar that receives secondary stress, by virtue of being the modifier of kaai.

    [+]Appositional compounds

    Appositional compounds refer to an individual or object that represents the intersection of the sets denoted by the two members. Although appositional compounds often belong to the coordinative type, it is the ones in the table below that also behave like subordinate compounds. In these compounds, the right constituent functions as the semantic head and one could argue there is a predicative relation between the two members. For example, a broekrok trousers-skirt culottes is a skirt and trousers at the same time. As with other endocentric compounds, the stress falls on the first constituent, i.e. broekrok. Here are some other examples of this appositive endocentric type:

    Table 2
    First constituent (N) Second constituent (N) Compound (NN)
    moer mother foks fox moerfox mother-fox
    bolle bull keal calf bollekeal bull calf
    ei ewe laam lamb eilaam ewe lamb
    gast visitor dosint teacher gastdosint visiting lecturer
    wees orphan bern child weesbern orphan child
    wyfke (small) woman tiger tiger wyfketiger female tiger

    The right constituent also determines the gender of the compound: de wees the orphan + it bern the child > it weesbern the orphan child and it wyfke the female + de tiger the tiger > de wyfketiger the female tiger.

    These appositional compounds furthermore behave like endocentric compounds in that they may show a linking element. Examples are ein duck + fûgel bird > einefûgel duck, hear lord + boer farmer > heareboer gentleman farmer, brief letter + kaart card > brievekaart postcard and famke girl + bern child > famkesbern girl.

    A special type of these appositional compounds can be characterized as tautological, or pleonastic. The left-hand member functions as a hyperonym, and the right-hand member as the superordinate. They thus stand in a relation of species to genus. An example is einfûgel duck-bird duck. Every ein duck is a bird by definition, hence the addition of fûgel bird as second member seems to be somewhat odd. However, reasoning "from right to left" one could argue that, by virtue of being the head of the compound, an einfûgel is a fûgel bird, and that ein duck is a further specification of the head. Other examples of this type are widdofrou widdow-woman widow and kobist cow-beast cow. We also see such formations in the realm of trees, most of them showing a linking element -e or -en, as ikebeam oak-LK-tree oak tree or iperenbeam elm-LK-tree elm. These tautological compounds are not productive.

    [+]Bare NN compounds

    The simplest version of NN-compounds is the case that two noun stems are simply merged. Examples of such bare compounds, that is, without any traces of truncation or the insertion of a linking element, can be found in the table below:

    Table 3
    first constituent (N) second constituent (N) compound (NN)
    jittik vinegar flesse bottle jittikflesse vinegar bottle
    natoer nature beskerming protection natoerbeskerming (nature) conservation
    weach wave lingte length weachlingte wavelength
    grûn ground aard nature grûnaard (type/kind of) soil
    swit sweat kobbel drop(let) switkobbel drop of sweat
    piano piano konsert concert pianokonsert piano concert
    bloed blood transfúzje transfusion bloedtransfúzje blood transfusion
    moksel mussel bank bank mokselbank mussel bank
    sollisitaasje application petear conversation sollisitaasjepetear interview
    tún garden broek pants túnbroek dungarees
    skoech shoe soal sole skoechsoal sole

    It is, in the light of the following section, important to note that nouns ending in a schwa may also occur as first member in their original form:

    Table 4
    first constituent (N) second constituent (N) compound (NN)
    sinne sun ljocht light sinneljocht sunlight
    bôle bread tromp box bôletromp breadbox
    flibe slaver klier gland flibeklier salivary gland
    jiske ashes pantsje saucer jiskepantsje ashtray
    moanne moon ljocht light moanneljocht moonlight
    lantearne lantern peal pole lantearnepeal lamp standard
    tate mother's milk bern child tatebern infant

    Membership of this category of bare compounds seems to be fairly ad hoc. Body parts may often function as first members, like rêchbonke backbone or earbel earring, but there are also body parts that require a linking element.

    extra
    Bare NN compounds in comparison to Dutch

    In cases where Frisian has a bare NN compound, Dutch sometimes has one with a linking element -en. Examples are given in the table below:

    Table 3
    First constituent Frisian-Dutch (N) Second constituent Frisian-Dutch (N) Compound Frisian-Dutch (NN)
    bean-boon bean stôk-staak pole beanstôk-bonenstaak beanpole
    bean-boon bean húl-schil skin beanhúl-bonenschil beanskin
    bean-boon bean krûd-kruid herb beankrûd-bonenkruid (summer) savory
    bei-bes berry soer-sap juice beisoer-bessensap currant juice
    ierdbei-aardbei strawberry sjem-jam jam ierdbeisjem-aardbeienjam strawberry jam
    boadskip-boodschap shopping listke-lijstje list boadskiplistke-boodchappenlijstje shopping list
    boadskip-boodschap shopping tas-tas bag boadskiptas-boodschappentas shopping bag
    flie-vlo flea byt-beet bite fliebyt-vlooienbeet fleabite
    par-peer pear sop-sap juice parsop-perensap pear juice
    piip-pijp pipe stâle-steel stem pypstâle-pijpensteel stem of a pipe
    wurd-woord word boek-boek book wurdboek-woordenboek dictionary
    wurd-woord word foarrie-schat treasure wurdfoarrie-woordenschat lexicon

    [+]Truncation

    As has been stated in the previous section, nouns ending in a schwa may retain this segment when they act as the first member of a compound. However, a great many of examples can be found in which the schwa has been truncated. The conditions for deletion are not very clear. One enhancing factor may be the weakening of the word boundary into a morpheme boundary, i.e. if the word is not felt as being complex any longer. For example, the noun moanne moon keeps its final schwa in moanneljocht moonlight, but it may lose it in a semantically bleached compound like moankarper moon-carp crusian carp.

    One can also imagine that phonological conditions may have their influence. In molkamer milk pail we would otherwise have a clash of the final schwa of molke milk and the initial vowel /a:/ of amer bucket.

    Finally, it seems that Dutch can also have influence on truncation in cases where the corresponding Dutch compound lacks a linking element. A condition is that the first elements of the compounds should be cognates. This is, for instance, the case in a word like planke plank, Dutch plank. However, we can at most speak of a tendency here, since compounds with planke- do occur, as for example in plankebrea plank-bread bread with a crust (next to the variant plankbrea). On the other hand, it is not true that nouns without a cognate never lose their final schwa. See for instance bûsjild pocket money, from bûse pocket, where the Dutch word is zak pocket.

    A number of examples are presented in the table below. As one can see, truncated or non-truncated forms sometimes occur side by side:

    Table 6
    First constituent (N) Second constituent (N) Compound (NN)
    bûse pocket doek towel bûsdoek handkerchief
    bûse pocket geld money bûsjild pocket money
    rogge rye kerl grain rochkerl grain of rye (next to roggekerl)
    rogge rye strie straw rochstrie rye straw (next to roggestrie)
    rogge rye mûne mill rochmûne rye mill (next to roggemûne)
    skoalle school bern child skoalbern school child (next to skoallebern)
    strjitte street namme name strjitnamme streetname
    karre cart rider driver karrider cartdriver
    karre cart hûn dog karhûn cart-dog (next to karrehûn)
    maaie May tiid time maitiid spring
    maaie May moanne month maaimoanne month of May
    maaie May beam tree maaibeam maypole
    mage stomach swolm ulcer maachswolm stomach ulcer
    mage stomach soer sour maachsoer gastric juice
    mage stomach kanker cancer maachkanker stomach cancer
    nekke neck fel skin nekfel scruff of the neck
    nekke neck kramp cramp nekkramp spotted fever
    nekke neck bonke bone nekbonke cervical vertebra (next to nekkebonke)
    panne plate lape cloth panlape oven cloth
    panne tile dak roof pandak tiled roof
    rjemme cream kantsje jug rjemkantsje cream jug
    rjemme cream taart cake rjemtaart cream cake (next to rjemmetaart)
    fodde rag koer basket fodkoer basket for rags
    jarre manure sleat ditch jarsleat manure ditch (next to jarresleat)
    ferve paint pôt pot ferfpôt paint pot
    ferve paint kwast brush ferfkwast paint brush
    bôle bread koer basket bolkoer breadbasket (next to bôlekoer)
    greide pasture boer farmer greidboer cattle farmer
    greide pasture hoeke corner greidhoeke rural region
    hoeke corner tosk tooth hoektosk canine
    hoeke corner skop kick hoekskop corner
    hoeke corner hûs house hoekhûs corner house
    muorre wall blom flower muorblom wallflower (next to muorreblom)
    muorre wall kleed carpet muorkleed wall carpet (next to muorrekleed)
    tsjerke church hôf yard tsjerkhôf churchyard
    tsjerke church ûle owl tsjerkûle barn owl
    tsjerke church fâd guardian tsjerkfâd church warden
    sjippe soap sop suds sjipsop soapsuds
    sjippe soap kop bowl sjipkop soap bowl
    tonge tongue blier blister tongblier glossanthrax
    tonge tongue riem belt tongriem string of the tongue
    molke milk amer bucket molkamer milking pail
    molke milk fabryk factory molkfabryk milk factory

    Another case of truncation concerns plural endings of pluralia tantum. If such nouns figure as the first constituent of a compound, then the formal plural ending is deleted, for example in machtbreuk scrotal hernia (from machten testicles + breuk break), or in the compound Wâldreis in the idiom in Wâldreis meitsje a wood-journey make to get a baby (from De Wâlden the wood-PL the eastern part of Friesland + reis journey). An example of truncation of the plural ending -s is simmelbrea rye bread with twaddle (from simmels twaddle + brea bread).

    [+]Linking element -e

    A considerable number of endocentric NN compounds show a linking element -e. Some examples are given in the table below:

    Table 7
    First constituent (N) Second constituent (N) Compound (NN)
    bern child boek book berneboek children's book
    knyn rabbit stjelp hutch kninestjelp rabbit hutch
    pyk chicken fel skin pikefel goose bumps
    prom plum beam tree prommebeam plumtree
    drúf grape strús bunch druvestrús bunch of grapes
    heit dad lân land heitelân native country
    mem mum taal language memmetaal mothertongue
    spoek ghost teltsje story spoeketeltsje ghost story
    koark cork skroef screw koarkeskroef corkscrew
    tosk tooth dokter doctor toskedokter dentist
    wytsing Viking skip boat wytsingeskip Viking ship
    saak business man man sakeman businessman
    abbekaat lawyer kantoar office abbekatekantoar lawyer's office
    extra
    Comparison with Dutch

    The corresponding Dutch linking element is -en. Although many compounds do correspond indeed, there are also quite a few cases in which the Dutch counterpart does not have a linking element, or has a linking element -s or -er instead (-er is lacking in Frisian altogether). Examples of all types are given in the table below:

    Table 7
    First constituent Frisian-Dutch (N) Second constituent Frisian-Dutch (N) Compound Frisian-Dutch (NN)
    nút-noot nut muskaat-muskaat nutmeg nutemuskaat-nootmuskaat nutmeg
    skiep-schaap sheep hoeder-herder herdsman skieppehoeder-schaapherder shepherd
    flear-vlier elderberry beam-boom tree flear(e)beam-vlierboom elderberry tree
    brief-brief letter kaart-kaart card brievekaart-briefkaart postcard
    brief-brief letter papier-papier paper brievepapier-briefpapier writing paper
    brief-brief letter haad-hoofd head brievehaad-briefhoofd letterhead
    skiep-schaap sheep kop-kop head skieppekop-schaapskop nitwit
    laam-lam lamb bout-bout leg lammebout-lamsbout leg of lamb
    laam-lam lamb merk-markt market lammemerk-lammermarkt lamb market
    keal-kalf calf stâl-stal stable keallestâl-kalverstal cowhouse

    Derivations in -heid, -skip, -dom, -ing and -iteit as first constituent usually get a linking element -s. However, when they can be interpreted semantically as plural, they receive a linking element -e. Examples are given in the table below:

    Table 9
    First constituent (N) Second constituent (N) Compounds (NN)
    minderheid minority konferinsje conference minderhedekonferinsje minority conference
    selskip company dei day selskippedei societies' day
    aktitiveit activity kommisje committee aktiviteitekommisje activity committee
    lêzing lecture rige row lêzingerige series of lectures

    This raises the question as to whether the linking element -e can be equated with the plural. For one thing, it is true in general that linking -e only occurs after stems that select the ending -en as their plural morpheme. Nouns with plural -s never take linking -e, cf. *apelebeam apple-LK-tree. The noun apel apple has apels as its plural, with the plural morpheme -s. On the other hand, the two morphemes -e and -en can clearly be discriminated, not only orthographically but also in the pronunciation, i.e. as [ə] vs. [ən]. Moreover, we see linking -e also after a few nouns that form their plural irregularly.

    Table 10
    singular plural compound
    ko cow kij (cf. *kowen) kowefleis cow-LK-meat beef
    skiep sheep skiep (cf. (*skieppen) skieppefleis sheep-LK-meat mutton
    bern child bern (cf. (*bernen) bernewein child-LK-wagon pram

    It may be clear that the linking element -e can never be some form of reduction of plural -en here. Semantically, it is also obvious that linking -e not necessarily denotes plurality. For example, a bernewein babywagon usually carries only one child. And families that have one cat nevertheless have a kattebak cat box in their homes.

    More information on this linking element -e from a phonological point of view can be found in the topic on nouns with final schwa as the left-hand member of compounds.

    [+]Linking element -s

    In quite a few NN compounds, a linking element -s between the two constituents is added, although it is a bit less productive than the linking element -e. Here are some examples:

    Table 11
    First constituent (N) Second constituent (N) Compound (NN)
    jonge boy klean clothes jongesklean clothes for boys
    arbeid work betingst condition arbeidsbetingst term of employment
    frede peace beweging movement fredesbeweging peace movement
    twibak biscuit rusk pof roll twibakspof crispy baked roll
    kening king dochter daughter keningsdochter king's daughter
    holder drone nêst nest holdersnêst drone's nest
    folk people liet song folksliet national anthem
    doarp village belang interest doarpsbelang interest of the village
    timmerman carpenter ark tools timmermansark carpenter's tools
    stasjon station gebou building stasjonsgebou station (building)
    protter starling aai egg prottersaai starling's egg

    The insertion of this linking element can be favoured by certain nominal suffixes that derive the first member nouns. When the first constituent ends in -ert, the linking element -s is added obligatorily. Examples are kikkertskop froghead, knikkertsponkje marble bag and rakkertsreau damaged gear. The same applies to compounds of which the first member is a nominalized infinitive, as in besteansrjocht [[[exist](V)](N)]-LK-right right of existence, itenspanne [[[[eat](V)]en](N)]-LK-[panne] dinner plate or drinkensflesse [[[[drink](V)]en](N)]-LK-[bottle] drink bottle.

    Usually, compounds with a first member derived by the nominal suffixes -heid, -skip, -dom and -iteit also show the linking element -s. Examples are feilichheidsgurle safety belt, mienskipshûs community centre, frijdomsfielen freedom feeling or idintiteitskrisis identity crisis. However, when the first members derived by these suffixes can be interpreted as plural, they receive a linking element -e, as shown in the table above.

    Derivations in -ing acting as first member only receive a linking element -s when they denote abstract entities. Examples are hifkingsproseduere testing procedure and uteringsmooglikheid means of expression. Such nominalizations with the suffix -ing as first constituent are preferred over direct VN compounds, although semantically there seems to be little difference. Derivations with -ing referring to concrete objects do not allow the linking element, as can be seen in examples like fredingpeal boundary post and hellingfeint shipyard worker.

    If the first member consists of a derivation in -er, it only takes a linking element -s if the derivation is animate. Examples are aptekersfaam pharmacist's assistent, bakkersûne baker's oven and stiperspriis sponsor price. If the first member is non-animate, then -s is lacking, witness examples like skroevedraaierhânsel screw driver's handle, hânwizerpeal finger post's pole or platespilerlid cover of the record player.

    extra
    Comparison with Dutch

    Dutch also shows a linking element -s-, but the distribution is not always similar to Frisian -s-. There are some words which have a linking element -s- in Frisian where the Dutch counterpart does not show a linking element, or has a linking element -en or -er instead. Examples of all types are given in the table below:

    Table 11
    First constituent Frisian-Dutch (N) Second constituent Frisian-Dutch (N) Compound Frisian-Dutch (NN)
    brannewyn-brandewijn brandy kop-kom bowl brannewynskop-brandewijnkom bowl for brandy
    april-april April waar-weer weather april(s)waar-aprilweer April weather
    april-april april grap-grap joke april(s)grap-aprilgrap April Fool's joke
    each-oog eye lid-lid lid each(s)lid-ooglid (eye)lid
    kiel-keel throat gat-gat hole kielsgat-keelgat throat
    sleat-sloot ditch wetter-water water sleatswetter-slootwater ditchwater
    saad-put well wetter-water water saadswetter-putwater well water
    bed-bed bed planke-plank board bedsplanke-beddenplank bed board
    nút-noot nut dop-dop shell nútsdop-notendop nutshell
    aai-ei egg dop-dop shell aai(s)dop-eierdop eggshell
    aai-ei egg djerre-dooier yolk aai(s)djerre-eierdooier egg yolk

    On the other hand, Dutch may show a linking element -s in cases where Frisian has a bare compound, as in the following examples:

    Table 12
    First constituent Frisian-Dutch (N) Second constituent Frisian-Dutch (N) Compound Frisian-Dutch (NN)
    stêd-stad city Frysk-Fries Frisian stedfrysk-stadsfries Town-Frisian
    stêd-stad city minske-mens human being stedminske-stadsmens citydweller
    lûd-geluid sound bân-band tape lûdbân-geluidsband (sound) recording tape
    lûd-geluid sound barriêre-barrière barrier lûdbarriêre-geluidsbarrière sound barrier
    lûd-geluid sound werjefte-weergave reproduction lûdwerjefte-geluidsweergave sound reproduction

    The words ko cow and ka jackdaw, which normally show the linking element -e (or no linking element at all), can in some NN-compounds receive a linking element -s. Take for example ko cow + eagen eyes > kooseagen cow eyes next to kowe-eagen cow eyes, ko cow + gat hole > koosgat backside of a cow besides kowe-gat backside of a cow, ko cow + oer teat of an udder > koosoer cow's teat of an udder besides kowe-oer cow's teat of an udder and ka jackdaw + each eye > kaaseach jackdaw's eye. The corresponding Dutch nouns koe cow and ka jackdaw never have a linking element -s in such cases.

    Besides the compounds discussed in this section, Frisian has a lot of NN compounds with linking element -s with final stress and a specific semantics. They form a special type; more information can be found in the topic on these so-called genitive compounds.

    [+]Linking element -DIM

    Quite a number of NN compounds show a diminutive suffix between the two members:

    Table 14
    Diminutive (N) Second constituent (N) Compound (NN)
    barchje small pig blom flower barchjeblom (yellow) iris
    strinkje twist bei berry strinkjebei currant
    boekje small book Frysk Frisian boekjefrysk Frisian as it is in books
    printsje small print krante newspaper printsjekrante illustrated paper
    boatsje small boat man man boatsjeman yachtsman
    gatsje small hole panne pan gatsjepanne colander
    blokje small block doaze box blokjedoaze box with building blocks
    buske small can griente vegetables buskegriente canned vegetables
    plomke small plume biezem broom plomkebiezem feather duster
    knyntsje small rabbit dei day knyntsjedagen holidays
    beltsje small bell-shaped flower blom flower beltsjeblom fuchsia
    nútsje small nut smoar butter nútsjesmoar peanut butter
    krûdsje small herb tsiis chees krûdsjetsiis herb cheese
    rychje small row went house rychjewent terrace(d) house
    blomke small flower behang wallpaper blomkebehang floral wallpaper

    However, it can be questioned whether these first constituents are real diminutive forms. It makes more sense to assume that the diminutive suffix -DIM functions as a linking element here. A plausible indication for such an analysis is the fact that some diminutive first members cannot diminuate when they act as independent words. Mass nouns, for example, never take a diminutive. So, goud gold cannot turn to *goudsje, nor can bloed blood to *bloedsje. Nevertheless, we have compounds like goudsjeblom marigold and bluodsjesûger bloodsucker. Or take measure nouns, which may not have a diminutive form either. So, next to pûn pound we do not find the diminutive *pûntsje. Notwithstanding this, one may encounter compounds like pûntsjewaar goods sold by pound or pûntsjegrôt pearl barly sold by pound, from pûn pound.

    Another argument is the strong indication that true diminutives cannot act as first members at all. For example next to baarch pig + sturt tail > bargesturt pig's tail, the word *barchjesturt tail of a small pig simply does not exist. One may therefore infer that the first constituent barchje- in barchjeblom (yellow) iris is not a diminutive form, but rather that it is a composition of baarch pig + blom flower, in which the diminutive suffix -je figures as linking element. The same view can be upheld for all the first constituents mentioned in the table above. For example, strinkjebei currant is not a compound of strinkje short string and bei berry, but rather of string twist + bei berry plus a linking element -DIM. And likewise, gatsjepanne colander is not a compound of gatsje small hole + panne pan but rather a fusion of gat hole + panne pan with a linking element -DIM. This approach can also be based on semantics. Boekjefrysk, for example, is the kind of Frisian that can be found in books and not only in small books. And nútsjesmoar peanut butter is made from núten nuts, and not only from small nuts.

    The only diminutives that are found as left-hand member are lexicalized and have lost their diminutive function. So, a húske small house can also mean toilet, and then we can get the compound húskepapier toiletpaper. While koeke means cake, the diminutive form koekje typically is a biscuit, which can be stored in a koekjetrom biscuit tin. See also the nouns man man and wiif woman incorporated in compounds like mantsjetiger male tiger or wyfke-oaljefant female elephant (cf. also lexicalized expressions like it is in mantsje it is a male animal).

    extra
    Comparison with Dutch

    The occurrence of the diminutive morpheme in Dutch compounds seems to be restricted to real diminutives, i.e. the morpheme does not act as a linking element in Dutch. However, the diminutive obligatorily invokes a linking -s, which is lacking in the Frisian cases. Dutch examples are mannetjestijger male tiger, koekjestrommel biscuit tin and stoeltjeslift chair lift. See more examples in the topic on Dutch diminutives.

    In Frisian, this linking element -s only occurs after the lexicalized diminutive famke girl as first constituent, as in famkesboek girl's book and famkesjierren girlhood. This may have emerged in analogy with jonge boy (note that this is not a diminutive form), which receives the linking element -s when functioning as first constituent of an NN compound, for instance in jongesboek boys' book and jongesjierren boyhood.

    Under the influence of the Dutch pattern, one can nowadays observe formations like rychjeswente row-DIM-LK-house terrace house or blomkesmerk flower-DIM-LK-market flower market, which are not correct from a Frisian perspective.

    [+]Linking element -en

    The linking element -en mainly occurs after appositional compounds which have a tree name as first constituent, or compounds which denote a part of a tree. Examples are given in the table below:

    Table 15
    First constituent (N) Second constituent (N) Compound (NN)
    iik oak beam tree ike(n)beam oak tree
    boek beech beam tree boeke(n)beam beech tree
    bjirk birch beam tree bjirke(n)beam birch tree
    wylch willow beam tree wylge(n)beam willow tree
    esk ash beam tree eske(n)beam ash tree
    els alder beam tree elze(n)beam alder tree
    iper elm beam tree iperenbeam elm tree
    iik oak hout wood ikenhout oak wood
    bjirk birch bast bark bjirke(n)bast birch bark
    els alder blêd leaf elze(n)blêd alder leaf
    boek beech stamme trunk boeke(n)stamme beech trunk
    wylch willow stobbe stump wylge(n)stobbe willow stump
    esk ash tûke branch eske(n)tûke ash branch

    Note that in most cases these compounds also occur with the linking element -e. It seems that -en is more often found in the western part of the language area.

    The linking element -en also occurs after first constituents which denote flour and dairy products. Examples are given in the table below:

    Table 16
    First constituent (N) Second constituent (N) Compound (NN)
    weet wheat bôle bread wetenbôle wheat bread
    weet wheat moal flour wetenmoal wheat flour
    riis rice brij porridge rizenbrij rice pudding
    hjouwer oat brij porridge hjouwerenbrij oat pudding
    grôt pearl barley brij porridge grottenbrij barley gruel
    sûpe buttermilk brij porridge sûpenbrij buttermilk porridge
    sûpe buttermilk potstro gruel sûpenpotstro buttermilk gruel
    moal flour brij porridge moallenbrij wheat porridge

    Note that the pattern also allows embedding. So, grottenbrij barley gruel and moallenbrij wheat porridge can be mixed with sûpe buttermilk. This results in the compounds sûpengrottenbrij buttermilk barley gruel and sûpenmoallenbrij buttermilk wheat porridge.

    Examples like the ones mentioned in the table above have the stress pattern of AN univerbations, that is, they receive stress on their second constituent, in contrast to the examples of tree names, which receive stress on the first constituent. Besides this, the words dealing with flour and dairy products do not have adjacent forms without this linking element -en, which is also in contrast with the tree names. Consequently, it might be argued that these forms do not need to be interpreted as NN compounds with a linking element -en, but rather as a univerbation of material adjectives with their characteristic suffix -en plus a noun. An example of such a pattern is learenlape piece of leather, a univerbation of the derived adjective learen leather (from the noun lear leather) plus the noun lape piece. Following this criterion, words with rogge rye as first constituent should then be interpreted as NN compounds, since they do receive stress on their first constituent and in addition show a variable -en- element. Examples are rogge rye + moal flour > rogge(n)moal rye flour, rogge rye + brea bread > rogge(n)brea rye bread and rogge rye + prip gruel > rogge(n)prip rye gruel.

    Some compounds with the noun ein end as second member also receive a linking element -en: foet foot + ein end > fuottenein foot (of the bed), holle head + ein end > hollenein head (of the bed), tean toe + ein end > teannenein tip of the toe and hear lord + ein end > heareneintsje in the expression in heareneintsje libben a pleasant life. Probably the segment /n/ has been inserted here to function as a hiatus filler between the vocalic linking element -e and the initial vowel of ein.

    [+]Linking element -el

    The linking element -el usually occurs in VN compounds. There are also examples of NN compounds, however, witness mêstelbank manure bank (from mêst manure + bank bank) and skerteldoek apron (from skerte lap + doek towel). The word skerteldoek is not in use anymore; one finds the reduced forms skelk apron or skeldoek apron instead.

    [+]Linking element -te

    The linking element -te can be found in NN compounds which denote a part of the day. The first part is the word moarn tomorrow, or one of the days of the week. Examples are given in the table below:

    Table 17
    First constituent (N) Second constituent (N) Compound (NN)
    moarn tomorrow jûn evening moarntejûn tomorrow evening
    snein Sunday moarn morning sneintemoarn Sunday morning
    moandei Monday middei afternoon moandeitemiddei Monday afternoon
    tiisdei Tuesday jûn evening tiisdeitejûn Tuesday evening
    freed Friday nacht night freedtenacht Friday night

    These compounds are not only nominal but also function as adverbials. Note that the corresponding formations in Dutch do not show this linking element -te, for example zondag Sunday + morgen morning > zondagmorgen Sunday morning. Historically, this linking element can be equated with the preposition te to.

    extra
    Literature

    This topic is mainly based on Hoekstra (1998:30, 36-42). A good introduction, both on form and meaning, is also Van der Woude (1975).

    Phonological changes and allomorphy in the first member are brief.ly discussed in Hoekstra (1992). Historical phonological contractions are mentioned in Sipma (1949:72) and Sytstra and Hof (1925:27-28). More examples can be found in Tamminga (1963:148-150) and Tamminga (1976).

    On the influence of Dutch on the truncation of a final schwa of the first member, see Slofstra et al. (2009).

    Arguments that the linking element -e should not be identified with plurality are given by Hoekstra (1995). According to Hanssen et al. (2015) younger speakers of Frisian still discriminate in a clear way between this linking element and the plural morpheme -en, despite the formal similarity of the Dutch counterparts. See also Hanssen (2012). More details on the linking element -s can be found in Schippers (1967).

    References
    • Hanssen, Esther2012Linking elements in compounds: regional variation in speech production and perceptionRadbout Universiteit Nijmegen; LOT Dissertation series
    • Hanssen, Esther, Versloot, Arjen, Hoekstra, Eric, Banga, Arina, Neijt, Anneke & Schreuder, Robert2015Morphological variation in the speech of Frisian-Dutch bilingualsLinguistic Approaches to Bilingualism5356-378
    • Hoekstra, Eric1995Iets over eerste leden van samenstellingenLeuvense Bijdragen84491-504
    • Hoekstra, Jarich1992HynstepraatsjeFriesch Dagblad12-09-1992unknown
    • Hoekstra, Jarich1998Fryske wurdfoarmingLjouwertFryske Akademy
    • Schippers, Hendrik K1967De saneamde binings-s - in nuversmaDe Pompeblêdden: tydskrift foar Fryske stúdzje3750-54
    • Sipma, Pieter1949Ta it Frysk IIR. van der Velde, Ljouwert
    • Slofstra, Bouke, Hoekstra, Erik & Versloot, Arjen2009Een voorbeeld van gecamoufleerde taalbeïnvloeding: samenstellingsvormen van sjwasubstantieven in het FriesTaal en Tongval6121-44
    • Sytstra, Onno H. & Hof, Jan J1925Nieuwe Friesche SpraakkunstLeeuwardenR. van der Velde
    • Tamminga, Douwe Annes1963Op 'e taelhelling. Losse trochsneden fan Frysk taellibben. IBoalsertA.J. Osinga
    • Tamminga, Douwe Annes1976Ferhoalen gearstallingenDe Pompebledden47180-182
    • Veen, Klaas F. van der et al1984-2011Wurdboek fan de Fryske taal - Woordenboek der Friese taalFryske Akademy
    • Woude, G. van der1975Ien + ien = ienDe Pompeblêden4658-64
    About this article
    Author(s): Siebren Dyk, Joke Weening
    Category: Frisian Morphology
    Keywords: endocentriccompoundallomorphytruncationlinking elementrecursivityappositional compoundtautological compoundblockingproductivity
    Version: 1.0, December 2023
    Version history:
    version editor(s) date remarks
    1.0 Siebren Dyk December 2023
    printreport errorcite
    Jump to:
    X