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5.5.2.Co-occurrence of R-words

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It is possible to have more than one R-word in a single clause, but there are several restrictions on their co-occurrence, subsections I and II show that, in the general case, a clause can never contain more than one weak or more than one strong R-word, whereas Subsection III shows that a weak and a strong form can co-occur. Before we start a caveat is in order. The data in this section are very complex, and it is hard sometimes for native speakers to give their judgments on the examples discussed; it is not surprising, therefore, that conflicting judgments can be found in the literature. Moreover, Subsections to VI will show that additional factors seem to play a role in the acceptability of certain sentences, some of which have scarcely been investigated. It is therefore virtually impossible to give an exhaustive review of this topic. We therefore recommend that the reader also consult the existing literature (e.g., Bech 1952, Van Riemsdijk 1978, Bennis 1980/1986, Huybregts 1991, Odijk 1993 and the references cited therein) if one wants to investigate this topic more thoroughly.

I. Co-occurrence of multiple weak R-words
II. Co-occurrence of multiple strong R-words
III. Co-occurrence of weak and strong R-words
IV. Wh-movement and topicalization in multiple R-word constructions
- A. Wh-movement and topicalization in double R-word constructions
- B. Wh-movement and topicalization of -R phrases across R-words
V. Co-occurrence of multiple pronominal PPs
VI. Co-occurrence of multiple locational pro-forms
VII. Summary

[+] I. Co-occurrence of multiple weak R-words

In the general case, a clause can contain at most one weak R-word, which will be demonstrated below by means of examples of clauses with two weak R-words with distinct functions. We start with a discussion of the distribution of weak R-words in embedded clauses, which is followed by a discussion of their distribution in main clauses.

[+] A. Embedded clauses

Consider the examples in (124). Since the (a)- and the (b)-example are impersonal passives, the first occurrence must be expletive er; and the same thing holds for the (c)-example since the associate noun phrase [twee [e]] of quantitative er is an indefinite noun phrase. As is shown in these three examples, expletive er cannot co-occur with the other uses of er. The function of the occurrences of er are indicated by the following abbreviations: expl = expletive, loc = locational, quant = quantitative, and pron = pronominal.

124

a.	*	dat	er	er	gedanst	wordt.	.. expl .. loc ..
		that	there	there	danced	is
		Intended reading: 'People are dancing there.'

b.	*	dat	er	er	over	gesproken	wordt.	.. expl .. pron ..
		that	there	there	about	spoken	is
		Intended reading: 'People are talking about it.'

c.	*	dat	er	er [NP	twee [e]]	gestolen	zijn.	.. expl .. quant ..
		that	there	there	two	stolen	have.been
		Intended reading: 'Two [e.g., computers] have been stolen.'

The pattern in (124) has given rise to the idea that er must be placed into a unique, designated [+R]-position in the middle field of the clause, that is, the [+R]-position in (121). The postulation that this position is unique accounts for the fact that only one occurrence of er is allowed; [+R] can be occupied by one R-word only, so that the other occurrence(s) would violate Axiom I.

125

Axiom I: Er must be moved into a unique [+R]-position in the middle field of the clause

Axiom I also gives the correct predictions for the examples in (126): the examples in (126a&b) show that an R-pronoun cannot be combined with a locational pro-form or quantitative, and (126c) shows that the co-occurrence of quantitative er and a locational pro-form is also correctly excluded. Since the grammaticality judgments on the examples in (126) remain the same if we reverse the interpretations (e.g., if we interpret the first occurrence of er in (126c) as locational and the second as quantitative), we have discussed all possible combinations.

126

a.	*	dat	Jan er	er over praatte.	.. pron .. loc ..
		that	Jan there	there about talked
		'that Jan talked about it there.'

b.	*	dat	Jan er	er	drie	in	stopte.	.. pron .. quant ..
		that	Jan there	there	three	into	put
		'that Jan put three [e.g., cigars] in it.'

c.	*	dat	Jan er	er [NP	twee [e]]	gezien	heeft.	.. quant .. loc ..
		that	Jan there	there	two	seen	has
		'that Jan saw two [e.g., rats] there.'

Note that axiom I is overruled for occurrences of er that must be adjacent to the preposition, like er in the temporal phrase er voor/na'before/after it'; cf. (127). This exception to Axiom I follows from the fact, discussed in Section 5.3.1, that these temporal PPs do not allow R-extraction; since er remains PP-internal, it is correctly predicted that the clause may contain two occurrences of er in such cases.

127

a.	dat	Jan er	misschien	[er voor]	iets	over	zal	zeggen.
	that	Jan there	maybe	there before	something	about	will	say
	'that maybe Jan will say something about it before it.'

b.	dat	er	waarschijnlijk	[er na]	nog	iets	werd	gedronken.
	that	there	probably	there after	prt.	something	was	drunk
	'that people probably drank something afterwards.'

[+] B. Main clauses

The pattern of grammaticality judgments is slightly different if we are dealing with main clauses. If expletive er occupies the regular subject position after the finite verb, as in (128), the pattern we find is identical to the one in (124).

128

a.	*	Morgen	wordt	er	er	gedanst.	.. expl .. loc ..
		tomorrow	is	there	there	danced

b.	*	Morgen	wordt	er	er	over	gesproken.	.. expl .. pron ..
		tomorrow	is	there	there	about	spoken

c.	*	Gisteren	zijn	er	er [NP	twee [e]]	gestolen.	.. expl .. quant ..
		yesterday	have.been	there	there	two	stolen

However, if expletive er occupies the clause-initial position, as in (129), it can co-occur with quantitative er (but not with pronominal or locational er). Whereas the pattern in (128) follows directly from axiom I, the pattern in (129) is somewhat mysterious; we will not provide an explanation here for this deviant pattern.

129

a.	*	Er	wordt	er	morgen	gedanst.	.. expl .. loc ..
		there	is	there	tomorrow	danced

b.	*	Er	wordt	er	morgen	over	gesproken.	.. expl .. pron ..
		there	is	there	tomorrow	about	spoken

c.		Er	zijn	er	gisteren [NP	twee [e]]	gestolen.	.. expl .. quant ..
		there	have.been	there	yesterday	two	stolen

Similar problems do not arise with the other types of er given that these never occur in sentence-initial position; they therefore invariably exhibit the pattern in (126) in main clauses as well.

[+] C. Conclusion

We conclude from the discussion in the previous subsections that Axiom I provides an apt description of the attested facts; the only problem is the grammaticality judgment on example (129c). In order not to confuse the reader at a later stage in the discussion, we want to note here that the ungrammaticality of the examples in (124), (126), (128), and (129a&b) does not necessarily mean that the intended meanings cannot be expressed. Some of them can, due to the fact that er is able to perform more than one function at the same time. Discussion of this is postponed to Section 5.5.3.

[+] II. Co-occurrence of multiple strong R-words

This subsection discusses the co-occurrence restrictions on strong R-forms like hier and daar. In what follows we can ignore the expletive or quantitative uses of R-words, given that these uses always involve the weak form er, which leaves us with the locational and pronominal R-words. The examples in (130) show that strong demonstrative pronominal and locational R-forms cannot co-occur. Example (130a) is the reference sentence. The examples in (130b) and (130c) illustrate, respectively, that it is possible to replace the adverbial phrase op dit congres by the locational pro-form daar and to pronominalize the prepositional complement of the verb over de oorlog. The (d)-examples in (130) show, however, that it is impossible for a clause to simultaneously contain a locational pro-form and a pronominalized PP; this holds regardless of the order of the R-words.

130

a.	Zij	heeft	op dit congres	vaak	over de oorlog	gesproken.
	she	has	at this conference	often	about the war	spoken
	'She spoke often about the war at this conference.'

Zij heeft daar vaak over de oorlog gesproken.

.. loc ..

Zij heeft hier op dit congres vaak over gesproken.

.. pron ..

Zij heeft hier daar vaak over gesproken.

.. pron .. loc ..

d'.

Zij heeft daar hier vaak over gesproken.

.. loc .. pron ..

The pattern in (124) has given rise to the idea that the strong demonstrative R-words can also be placed into a unique, designated [+R]-position in the middle field of the clause. The postulation that the position is unique again accounts for the fact that only one occurrence of a strong demonstrative R-word is allowed.

131

Axiom II: A strong demonstrative R-word may be moved into a unique [+R]-position in the middle field of the clause

Axiom II is phrased slightly more weakly than Axiom I in (125) in that it does not require that a strong demonstrative R-word be moved into the [+R]-position. This is needed to account for examples such as (132). Given the fact that the pronominal R-word follows the (optional) clausal adverb vaak, we may claim that it occupies its base-position within PP (an option independently argued for in Section 5.5.1), so that we correctly predict this example to be grammatical: the unique [+R]-position is occupied by the locational R-word daar only, while the pronominal R-word hier is still PP-internal.

132

Zij	heeft	daar (vaak) [PP	hier over]	gesproken.	.. loc .. pron ..
she	has	there often	here about	spoken
'She often spoke about this there.'

It should be noted, however, that example (133), provided by Hans Bennis (p.c.), is a potential problem for axiom II; presumably, the locational pro-form hier occupies the [+R]-position, but even so the pronominal R-word daar can be moved out of its PP. Our informants provide somewhat diverging judgments on this example, which seems best if the pronominal R-word is assigned contrastive accent; theories that postulate a designated focus position in the clause may perhaps account for the relative acceptability of (133) by claiming that the pronominal R-word occupies this focus position.

133

%	Jan heeft	hier	met mij	daar	vaak	over	gesproken.	.. loc .. pron ..
	Jan has	here	with me	there	often	about	spoken
	'Jan often talked with me about that here.'

Note that Axiom II is restricted to demonstrative R-words and is not concerned with quantified R-words. Examples that contain both a demonstrative and a quantified R-word are ambiguous: the demonstrative pronoun daar in (134a-c) can either be interpreted as a locational pro-form or as a pronominal R-word (with perhaps a slight preference for the latter). This suggests that quantified R-words need not move into the [+R]-position, which is confirmed by the fact that an adverbial phrase may occur between the two R-words.

134

a.	Jan heeft	daar	(gisteren)	ergens	over	gesproken.
	Jan has	there	yesterday	somewhere	about	spoken
	'Jan spoke there about something yesterday.'
	'Jan spoke about that somewhere yesterday.'

b.	Jan heeft	daar	(gisteren)	nergens	over	gesproken.
	Jan has	there	yesterday	nowhere	about	spoken
	'Jan spoke there about nothing yesterday.'
	'Jan spoke nowhere about that yesterday.'

c.	Jan heeft	daar	(gisteren)	overal	over	gesproken.
	Jan has	there	yesterday	everywhere	about	spoken
	'Jan spoke there about everything yesterday.'
	'Jan spoke about that everywhere yesterday.'

[+] III. Co-occurrence of weak and strong R-words

Axioms I and II give rise to the expectation that weak and strong R-words cannot co-occur either. This expectation is not borne out, however, as can be seen in the examples in (135), which correspond to the examples in (124a&b).

135

a.	dat	er	hier	gedanst	wordt.	.. expl .. loc ..
	that	there	here	danced	is
	Intended reading: 'People are dancing here.'

b.	dat	er	hier	vaak	over	gesproken	wordt.	.. expl .. pron ..
	that	there	here	often	about	spoken	is
	Intended reading: 'People are talking about this.'

The examples in (136) show that strong R-words can also co-occur with quantitative er.

136

a.	dat	Jan er	hier [NP	twee [e]]	gezien	heeft.	.. quant .. loc ..
	that	Jan there	here	two	seen	has
	'that Jan saw two [e.g., rats] here.'

b.	dat	Jan er	hier [NP	drie [e]]	in	stopte.	.. quant .. pron ..
	that	Jan there	here	three	into	put
	'that Jan put three [e.g., cigars] in this.'

Example (137a) shows that a weak pronominal R-word can also be combined with a strong locational R-word. A strong pronominal R-word, on the other hand, cannot be combined with a weak locational R-word, as is shown in (137b).

137

a.	dat	Jan er	hier	vaak	over	praatte.	.. pron .. loc ..
	that	Jan there	here	often	about	talked
	'that Jan often talked about it here.'

dat Jan er hier vaak over praatte.

.. loc .. pron ..

Note that the examples in (135b) and (136b) are actually ambiguous and also allow a reading in which hier acts as a locational pro-form. In (135b) er then simultaneously performs the functions of expletive and pronominal R-word, and in (136b) it functions then both as licenser of the nominal gap [e] and as part of the pronominal PP; cf. Section 5.5.3, sub I.
In view of the data in (135) to (137) it seems clear that we cannot maintain the idea that the designated [+R]-positions in Axiom I and II can be identified, but that we need two distinct [+R]-positions. Given the fact that the weak R-pronoun always precedes the strong one, we postulate that the weak [+R]-position precedes the strong one. This gives rise to the clause structure in (138). Axioms I and II are now rephrased as in (138a&b).

138

XP V+fin (Subject) [+R]weak ... [+R]strong ... CLAUSAL ADVERB ... V-fin

Axiom I: Er must be moved into the unique weak [+R]-position.

Axiom II: A strong demonstrative R-word may be moved into the unique strong [+R]-position.

The axioms in (138) still leave the ungrammaticality of (137b) unexplained. The fact that the locational phrase is always the second (strong) R-word in the examples above has given rise to the idea that the second [+R]-position in (138) must always be used as a landing site for a demonstrative locational R-word, if there is one. From this two predictions follow. First, it is correctly predicted that only weak R-pronouns can be used in the presence of a locational R-word (but see example (133) for a potential problem); the strong R-position is occupied by the locational R-word and hence inaccessible to other strong R-words. Second, it is predicted that the locational R-word must be strong in the presence of another R-word; if the locational R-word were weak, it would have to move to the weak [+R]-position via the strong [+R]-position so that all landing sites for R-pronouns are occupied, the weak one by the phonetically realized locational R-word and the strong one by a trace of it. This gives an exhaustive account of the data discussed so far with the exception of (129c), which we have put aside.

[+] IV. Wh-movement and topicalization in multiple R-word constructions

This subsection discusses wh-movement and topicalization in multiple R-word constructions and show that there is a restriction on the co-occurrence of demonstrative and interrogative/topicalized R-words, subsection A will show that wh-movement and topicalization seem to be blocked by the presence of certain demonstrative R-words; we will account for this in terms of the two [+R]-positions in (138), subsection B will discuss an example in which wh-movement and topicalization of a -R word seems to be blocked by the presence of an R-word.

[+] A. Wh-movement and topicalization in double R-word constructions

In some cases, wh-movement of an R-word is blocked by the presence of another R-word. Consider examples (139a), which is ungrammatical under the interpretation that waar is part of the pronominal PP. This has been accounted for by assuming that the wh-word waar cannot be moved into clause-initial position in one fell swoop, but must first be placed into one of the [+R]-positions in (138). However, since we have seen that the locational R-word er is moved via the strong [+R]-position into the weak one, these positions are no longer available for the wh-word, so that movement of waar into the clause-initial position is blocked. If the locational R-word is strong, as in (139b), it does not move into the weak [+R]-position. Hence, this weak position is accessible to the wh-phrase and wh-movement is predicted to be possible.

139

a.	*	Waar	heeft	Jan er	vaak	over	gepraat?	.. pronwh .. loc ..
		where	has	Jan there	often	about	talked

a'.

.... V+fin ... [+R eri] ... [+Rti] ti vaak [waar over] ...

b.	Waar	heeft	Jan	hier	vaak	over	gepraat?	.. pronwh .. loc ..
	where	has	Jan	here	often	about	talked
	'What did Jan talk often about here?'

b'.

waarj V+fin ... [+Rtj] ... [+Rhieri]ti vaak [tj over] ...

The examples in (140) show that the same contrast can be found in the case of topicalization of demonstrative R-words.

140

a.	*	Daar	heeft	Jan er	vaak	over	gepraat.	.. prondemonstrative .. loc ..
		there	has	Jan there	often	about	talked

b.	Daar	heeft	Jan hier	vaak	over	gepraat.	.. prondemonstrative .. loc ..
	there	has	Jan here	often	about	talked
	'Jan talked often about that here.'

The judgments on the examples in (139) change under the reverse interpretation, that is, with the preposed interrogative R-word as locational and the second R-word as pronominal. In (141a), pronominal er can be placed in the weak [+R]-position, and the locational phrase can be moved via the strong [+R]-position into the clause-initial position. In (141b), however, the locational R-word has been moved via the strong R-position into clause-initial-position, so there is no landing position for the demonstrative R-word hier (the empty weak [+R]-position is of course not accessible to hier since it is not a weak R-word).

141

a.	Waar	heeft	Jan er	vaak	over	gepraat?	.. locwh .. pron ..
	where	has	Jan there	often	about	talked
	'Where did Jan talk about it often?'

a'.

waari V+fin

... [+R erj] ... [+Rti] ti vaak [tj over] ...

b.	??	Waar	heeft	Jan	hier	vaak	over	gepraat?	.. locwh .. pron ..
		where	has	Jan	here	often	about	talked

b'.

waari V+fin

... [+R ..] ... [+Rti] ti vaak [hier over] ...

The examples in (142) show that the same thing seems to hold for demonstrative pronominal R-words.

142

a.	Daar	heeft	Jan er	vaak	over	gepraat.	.. prondemonstrative .. loc ..
	there	has	Jan there	often	about	talked
	'Jan talked about it often there.'

b.	??	Daar	heeft	Jan hier	vaak	over	gepraat.	.. prondemonstrative .. loc ..
		there	has	Jan here	often	about	talked

The judgments on the examples in (141b) and (142b), which are the ones given in Huybregts (1991), are disputed by Bennis (p.c), who considers (141b) and (142b) fully acceptable and suggests that the relevant reading can be forced in relative clauses like (143). Although a locational interpretation of the relative pro-form waar seems more or less acceptable to us, the pronominal reading of waar remains the more prominent one, which would be in line with Huybregts' judgments on (141b) and (142b).

143

de universiteit	waar	Jan	hier	vaak	over	gesproken	heeft
the university	where	Jan	here	often	about	spoken	has
preferred reading: 'the university that John spoke often about here'
possible reading: 'the university where John spoke a lot about this'

The suggested analysis correctly predicts that expletive and quantitative er never block wh-movement of a locational or pronominal R-word: the latter can be moved via the strong [+R]-position into the clause-initial position. The examples in (144) and (145), which are the wh-movement counterparts of (135) and (136), show that this prediction is indeed borne out. Note in passing that, like (135b) and (136b), (144b) and (145b) also allow a reading in which waar'where' acts as a locational pro-form; the weak R-word er then simultaneously performs the functions of expletive and pronominal R-word; cf. Section 5.5.3, sub Section 5.5.3, sub I.

144

a.	Waar	wordt	er	gedanst?	.. locwh .. expl ..
	where	is	there	danced
	'Where do people dance?'

b.	Waar	wordt	er	vaak	over	gesproken?	.. pronwh .. expl ..
	where	is	there	often	about	talked
	'What are people often talking about?'

145

a.	Waar	heeft	Jan er	twee	gezien?	.. locwh .. quant ..
	where	has	Jan there	two	seen
	'Where did Jan see two [e.g., rats]?'

b.	Waar	stopte	Jan er	drie	in?	.. pronwh .. quant ..
	where	put	Jan there	three	into
	'Where did Jan put three [e.g., cigars] into?'

It has been reported, however, that topicalization differs from wh-movement; examples such as (146) with topicalized demonstrative daar differ sharply from the examples in (144), which involve interrogative waar.

146

a.	*	Daar	wordt	er	gedanst.	.. locdemonstrative .. expl ..
		there	is	there	danced
		'People are dancing there.'

b.	*	Daar	wordt	er	vaak	over	gesproken.	.. prondemonstrative .. expl ..
		there	is	there	often	about	talked
		'People are talking about that?'

The unacceptability of the examples in (146) is probably not due to the fact that the expletive blocks movement of the topicalized R-word, but to the fact that the presence of expletive er depends not only on whether a (definite) subject is present but also on whether the clause contains material that belongs to the presupposition of the clause; see Section N8.1.4 and Bennis (1986) for more discussion on this restriction on expletive er. For instance, example (147a), in which both the subject and the direct object are (nonspecific) indefinite, must contain the expletive, whereas (147b), which contains a definite direct object, is marginal at best if expletive er is present; if the direct object is a pronoun, as in (147c), er must definitely be absent. The contrast between (144) and (146) can therefore be traced back to the fact that interrogative elements like waar are indefinite by definition, whereas demonstrative elements like daar are definite.

147

a.	dat	*(er)	iemand	gisteren	iets	vertelde.
	that	there	someone	yesterday	something	told
	'that someone told a story yesterday.'

b.		dat	(??er)	iemand	het verhaal	gisteren	vertelde.
		that	there	someone	the story	yesterday	told

c.		dat	(*er)	iemand	het	gisteren	vertelde.
		that	there	someone	it	yesterday	told

The examples in (148) show that replacement of waar by daar does not affect the grammaticality judgments when we are dealing with quantitative er; the judgments on the examples in (148) are similar to those in (145).

148

a.	Daar	heeft	Jan er	twee	gezien?	.. locdemonstrative .. quant ..
	there	has	Jan there	two	seen
	'Jan saw two [e.g., rats] there?'

b.	Daar	stopte	Jan er	drie	in?	.. prondemonstrative .. quant ..
	there	put	Jan there	three	into
	'Jan put three [e.g., cigars] into that ?'

That the judgments on (145) and (148) are similar is consistent with the fact, illustrated in (149), that quantitative er must be realized irrespective of the presence of presuppositional material.

149

a.	Jan heeft	er	[NP	twee e]	een verhaal	verteld.
	Jan has	there	[NP	two	a story	told
	'Jan told a story to two [e.g., children].'

b.		Jan heeft	er	[NP	twee e]	het verhaal	verteld.
		Jan has	there	[NP	two	the story	told

c.		Jan heeft	het	er	[NP	twee e]	verteld.
		Jan has	it	there	[NP	two	told

A problem for the hypothesis developed above are multiple wh-questions like (150), in which the first +wh R-word must be interpreted as locational and the second one as pronominal. If the locational wh-phrase must be wh-moved via the strong R-position, the landing site of the pronominal wh-phrase should be occupied by a trace, so that we wrongly predict (150a) to be ungrammatical. Example (150b), on the other hand, is predicted to be possible, since the pronominal R-word can in principle be moved via the weak R-position. We leave these data for future research.

150

a.	Waari	heeft	zij	waarjti	vaak [PP tj	over]	gepraat?	.. locwh .. pron ..
	where	has	she	where	often	about	talked
	'Where did she talk often about what?'

b.	*	Waarj	heeft	zij	waariti	vaak [PP tj	over]	gepraat?	.. pronwh .. loc ..
		where	has	she	where	often	about	talked
		'Where did she talk often about what?'

Note that (150b) much improves if emphatic accent is assigned to the second occurrence of waar. This suggests that focused locational pro-forms need not be moved into the strong [+R]-position if they are contrastively focused, subsection VI will provide more evidence in favor of this conclusion.

[+] B. Wh-movement and topicalization of -R phrases across R-words

R-words can sometimes also block wh-movement and topicalization of -R phrases. We illustrate this by means of wh-movement and topicalization of predicative locational phrases, subsection 1 shows that the blocking effect arises especially if the R-word is a pronominal R-word, and Subsection 2 argues that it cannot be established whether locational R-words have a similar blocking effect, subsection 3 shows that expletive and quantitative er do not have this blocking effect, subsection 4 concludes by showing that non-predicative phrases can freely cross R-words.

[+] 1. Wh-movement and topicalization across a pronominal R-word

Consider the reference sentences in (151a&a'). Although the examples in (151b&c) are perhaps slightly marked, wh-movement and topicalization of the predicatively used locational phrase seems to be possible. In the corresponding primed examples, on the other hand, wh-movement and topicalization are completely blocked. Apparently, the pronominal R-word daar/er blocks the movements in question; these examples are also marked if the R-word is adjacent to the preposition.

151

a.	Jan sloeg	de spijker	met een hamer	in de muur.
	Jan hit	the nail	with a hammer	into the wall
	'Jan hit the nail into the wall with a hammer.'

a'.	Jan sloeg	er/daar	de spijker	mee	in de muur.
	Jan hit	there	the nail	with	into the wall
	'Jan hit the nail into the wall with it/that.'

b.	(?)	In welke muur	sloeg	Jan de spijker	met een hamer?
		into which wall	hit	Jan the nail	with a hammer

b'.	*	In welke muur	sloeg	Jan daar/er	de spijker	mee?
		into which wall	hit	Jan there	the nail	with

c.	(?)	In de muur	sloeg	Jan de spijker	met een hamer.
		into the wall	hit	Jan the nail	with a hammer

c'.	*	In de muur	sloeg	Jan daar/er	de spijker	mee.
		into the wall	hit	Jan there	the nail	with

[+] 2. Wh-movement and topicalization across a locational R-word

If the clause contains an adverbial locational phrase, as in (152), movement of the predicative locational PP is also blocked; since this blocking effect occurs regardless of whether the adverbial phrase is a full PP or an R-word, the examples in (152) do not shed any further light on the issue of whether R-words may block wh-movement and topicalization of -R phrases.

152

a.	Jan sloeg	in de huiskamer/daar	de spijker	in de muur.
	Jan hit	in the living room/there	the nail	into the wall
	'In the living room/There Jan hit the nail into the wall.'

b.	*	In welke muur	sloeg	Jan	in de huiskamer/daar	de spijker?
		into which wall	hit	Jan	in the living room/there	the nail

c.	*	In de muur	sloeg	Jan	in de huiskamer/daar	de spijker.
		into the wall	hit	Jan	in the living room/there	the nail

[+] 3. Wh-movement and topicalization across expletive and quantitative er

The examples in (153) show that movement across expletive er is possible. Note that if wh-movement or topicalization applies, the expletive can be optionally dropped; in (153c), the presence of expletive er is even somewhat marked.

153

a.	Er	stonden	twee grammaticaʼs	in de kast.
	there	stood	two grammars	in the bookcase
	'There were two grammars in the bookcase.'

b.		In welke kast	stonden	(er)	twee grammaticaʼs?
		in which bookcase	stood	there	two grammars

c.		In die kast	stonden	(?er)	twee grammaticaʼs.
		in that bookcase	stood	there	two grammars

Quantitative er does not have a blocking effect either; the examples in (154b&c) show that wh-movement and topicalization are possible across quantitative er.

154

a.	Jan zette	er	[NP	twee e]	in de kast.
	Jan put	there	[NP	two	into the bookcase
	'Jan put two [e.g., grammars] into the bookcase.'

b.	In welke kast	zette	Jan	er	twee?
	into which bookcase	put	Jan	there	two
	'Into which bookcase did Jan put two [e.g., grammars]?'

c.	In de kast	zette	Jan er	twee.
	into the bookcase	put	Jan there	two
	'Into the bookcase Jan put two [e.g., grammars].'

[+] 4. Wh-movement and topicalization of non-predicative PPs

Subsection 1 has shown that a pronominal R-word may block wh-movement and topicalization of a -R phrase. This does not imply, however, that it always blocks such movements. The examples in (155), for instance, show that movement of the adverbial phrase metwie/Peter may cross the pronominal R-word daar.

155

a.	Jan heeft	daar	gisteren	met Peter	over	gepraat.
	Jan has	there	yesterday	with Peter	about	talked
	'Jan talked about it with Peter yesterday.'

b.	Met wie	heeft	Jan daar	gisteren	over	gepraat?
	with whom	has	Jan there	yesterday	about	talked
	'With whom did Jan talk about it yesterday?'

c.		Met Peter	heeft	Jan	daar	gisteren	over	gepraat.
		with Peter	has	Jan	there	yesterday	about	talked

The data in (151) and (155) therefore suggest that the pronominal R-word only blocks movement of predicative locational phrases, which may give rise to the hypothesis that the strong [+R]-position is also relevant for movement of such locational phrases. The question as to whether this suggestion can be upheld, we leave as a topic for future research.

[+] V. Co-occurrence of multiple pronominal PPs

So far, we have only discussed the co-occurrence of two R-words with different functions. It is, however, also possible to have more than one pronominal PP. Consider the examples in (156), in which (156a) is the reference sentence. In (156b&c) it is shown that both the PP voor dat boek and the circumpositional phrase naar de bibliotheek toe allow pronominalization. Example (156d) shows that it is not possible to have two occurrences of er, which follows from the claim expressed by axiom I in (138a) that there is only one weak [+R]-position available. However, if the second occurrence of er is replaced by a strong demonstrative form, as in (156d'), the result is fully acceptable; this would follow from Axiom II in (131), according to which demonstrative R-words can be placed in the strong [+R]-position.

156

a.	Jan is gisteren	voor dat boek	naar de bibliotheek	toe	gegaan.
	Jan is yesterday	for that book	to the library	toe	went
	'Jan went to the library for that book yesterday.'

b.	Jan is er	gisteren	voor	naar de bibliotheek	toe	gegaan.
	Jan is there	yesterday	for	to the library	toe	went
	'Jan went to the library for it yesterday.'

c.	Jan is er	gisteren	voor dat boek	naar	toe	gegaan.
	Jan is there	yesterday	for that book	to	toe	went
	'Jan went there (to it) for that book yesterday.'

d.	*	Jan is er	er	gisteren	voor	naar	toe	gegaan.
		Jan is there	there	yesterday	for	to	toe	went
		'Jan went there (to it) for it yesterday.'

d'.	Jan is er	hier	gisteren	voor	naar	toe	gegaan.
	Jan is there	there	yesterday	for	to	toe	went
	'Jan went to it for this yesterday.' or 'Jan went to this (place) for it yesterday.'

In fact, (156d') seems to be ambiguous: the pronoun er can either be construed as the complement of the preposition voor or as the complement or the circumposition naar ... toe; judgments are subtle, though, and it might be the case that speakers of Dutch prefer one of the two readings, possibly also depending on the intonation pattern of the example.
Given the assumptions so far, we predict that wh-movement is possible if we are dealing with two pronominal PPs, and that the resulting example will be ambiguous. Although giving judgments on the data is somewhat tricky, we have the impression that this prediction is indeed correct.

157

a.		Waar	is Jan er	gisteren	voor	naar	toe	gegaan?
		where	is Jan there	yesterday	for	to	toe	went

b.		Waari is Jan [+R erj] ...[+Rti ] gisteren [PPtj voor] [PPti naar toe] gegaan?
		'Where (to what place) did Jan go to for it yesterday?'

b'.		Waarj is Jan [+R eri] ...[+Rtj ] gisteren [PPtj voor] [PPti naar toe] gegaan?
		'What did Jan go there (to it) for yesterday?'

The ambiguity of example (157a) is also supported by the fact that, despite their complexity, the two relative constructions in (158) are reasonably acceptable.

158

a.	het boek	waar	Jan er	gisteren	voor	naar	toe	is gegaan
	the book	where	Jan there	yesterday	for	to	toe	is gone
	'the book for which Jan went to it yesterday'

b.	de bibliotheek	waar	Jan er	gisteren	voor	naar	toe	is gegaan
	the library	where	Jan there	yesterday	for	to	toe	is gone
	'the library to which Jan went for it'

The judgments on (157a) do not seem to change if we replace er by a strong form, as in (159a). The derivation then takes place as indicated in the (b)-examples.

159

a.		Waar	is Jan daar	gisteren	voor	naar	toe	gegaan?
		where	is Jan there	yesterday	for	to	toe	gone/come

b.		Waari is Jan [+Rti ]... [+R daarj] gisteren [PPtj voor] [PPti naar toe] gegaan?
		'Where did Jan go for that yesterday?'

b'.		Waarj is Jan [+Rtj ]... [+R daari] gisteren [PPtj voor] [PPti naar toe] gegaan?
		'What did Jan go there for yesterday?'

Note that the reading in (160b'), with the strong R-word hier'here', is not readily available with the verb gaan'to go' but requires komen'come'. This is due to the fact that the verb komen'to come' can, but the verb gaan'to go' cannot be readily combined with the locational pronominal PP hier ... naar toe: Jan komt/??gaat hier naar toe'Jan comes/goes to this place'. The fact that the choice of verb tends to disambiguate example (160a) provides additional evidence for the claim that the ambiguity reported for (157a) and (159a) is real.

160

a.		Waar	is Jan hier	gisteren	voor	naar	toe	gegaan/gekomen?
		where	is Jan here	yesterday	for	to	toe	gone/come

b.		Waari is Jan [+Rti ]... [+R hierj] gisteren [PPtj voor] [PPti naar toe] gegaan?
		'Where did Jan go for this yesterday?'

b'.		Waarj is Jan [+Rtj ]... [+R hieri] gisteren [PPtj voor] [PPti naar toe] gekomen?
		'What did Jan come here for yesterday?'

[+] VI. Co-occurrence of multiple locational pro-forms

Example (161a) shows that clauses may contain two locational phrases, and (161b) shows that both locational phrases can be replaced by a locational pro-form. Since the two pro-forms in (161b) seem to require emphatic accent, it is not surprising that the pro-forms must both be strong; (161c) shows that using a weak pro-form gives rise to a severely degraded result.

161

a.	Jan slaapt	thuis	altijd	op de zolderkamer.
	Jan sleeps	at.home	always	in the attic
	'At home Jan is always sleeping in the attic.'

b.		Jan slaapt	hier	altijd	daar.
		Jan sleeps	here	always	there

c.	*	Jan slaapt	er	altijd	daar/hier.
		Jan sleeps	there	always	there/here

The unacceptability of (161c) is as expected, given our earlier conclusion that the weak locational pro-form er is moved into the weak [+R]-position via the strong [+R]-position, so that the latter is no longer accessible to the demonstrative locational pro-form. The acceptability of (161b) is surprising, however, since we have seen that only one strong [+R]-position is available. Perhaps this shows that emphatic focus exempts the strong locational pro-form from moving to the strong [+R]-position, which would be consistent with the fact that placement of the second strong R-word in front of the adverb altijd gives rise to a marked result: ??Jan slaapt hier daar altijd. See also the discussion of (150b) in Subsection A.
Given the ungrammaticality of (161c) it is not surprising that (162a) is unacceptable as well: wh-movement must proceed through the [+R]-positions, but these are occupied by the weak locational pro-form er and its trace. Example (161b) seems marked, which would follow if hier occupies the strong [+R]-position; note that this example is hard to pronounce with emphatic accent on the locational pro-form hier.

162

a.	*	Waar	slaapt	Jan er	altijd?
		where	sleeps	Jan there	always

b.	??	Waar	slaapt	Jan hier	altijd?
		where	sleeps	Jan here	always

[+] VII. Summary

The previous subsections have discussed various restrictions on the co-occurrence of R-words. First, it is impossible to combine two weak or two strong R-words in the middle field of the clause. This has been accounted for by assuming that there are two unique [+R]-positions, one for weak and one for strong R-words. On the assumption that the weak [+R]-position precedes the strong one, we correctly predict that only (163c) is possible.

163

... er ... er ...

... Rstrong ... Rstrong

... er ... Rstrong

From (163), it also follows that the expletive and the quantitative R-word cannot co-occur in the middle field of the clause, since they only appear in the weak form er; if an expletive or a quantitative R-word is present, it always occurs in the first [+R]-position, so that the second occurrence of the R-word is either locational or pronominal. The weak locational and pronominal R-words differ in that only the latter can be combined with a second strong R-word. This has been accounted for by assuming that all locational forms must be placed in the strong [+R]-position even if they do not occupy it in the surface structure of the clause; if we are dealing with a weak locational R-word both positions are filled—the weak one by the morphologically realized R-word, the strong one by a trace left by movement of the R-word. In Table 3 we give the predicted judgments, and a reference to the relevant examples.

Table 3: Co-occurrence of weak and strong R-words

weak [+R]-position	strong [+R]-position	judgment	example
expletive	locational	✔	(135a)
	pronominal	✔	(135b)
quantitative	locational	✔	(136a)
	pronominal	✔	(136b)
locational	locational	*	(161c)
	pronominal	*	(137b)
pronominal	locational	✔	(137a)
	pronominal	✔	(156d')

In cases of wh-movement, the interrogative R-word must be moved via one of the two R-positions into the clause-initial wh-position. The intermediate landing site is indicated by “t+wh” in Table 4. Examples (139a) and (162b) are excluded for the same reason (137b) in Table 3 is; the strong [+R]-position is occupied by a trace of the locational R-word, so that the interrogative R-word cannot use it as an intermediate landing site. Examples (162b) and (141b) are excluded because the non-interrogative R-words occupy the strong [+R]-position so that, by assumption, the interrogative locational R-word must be moved through on its way to the sentence-initial position. Table 4 can be reduplicated for topicalization.

Table 4: Wh-movement in double R-word constructions

wh-word	weak [+R]-position	strong [+R]-position	judgment	example
locational	expletive	t+wh	✔	(144a)
pronominal		t+wh	✔	(144b)
locational	quantitative	t+wh	✔	(145a)
pronominal		t+wh	✔	(145b)
pronominal	locational	t-wh (trace of Rloc)	*	(139a)
	t+wh	locational	✔	(139b)
locational	locational	t+wh	*	(162a)
		locational	??	(162b)
locational	pronominal	t+wh	✔	(141a)
		pronominal	??	(141b)
pronominal	pronominal	t+wh	✔	(157)
	t+wh	pronominal	✔	(159)

References:

Bech, Gunnar1952Über das niederländische Adverbialpronomen <i>er</i>Traveaux du Cercle Linguistique de Copenhague VIII, Copenhague/Amsterdam85-32
Bennis, Hans1980<i>Er</i>-deletion in a modular grammarDaalder, Saskia & Gerritsen, M. (eds.)Linguistics in the Netherlands 1980Amsterdam/Oxford/New York
Bennis, Hans1986Gaps and dummiesDordrechtForis Publications
Bennis, Hans1986Gaps and dummiesDordrechtForis Publications
Huybregts, Riny1991CliticsModel, Jan (ed.)Grammatische analyseDordrechtICG Printing
Huybregts, Riny1991CliticsModel, Jan (ed.)Grammatische analyseDordrechtICG Printing
Odijk, J1993Compositionality and syntactic generalizationsTilburgTilburg UniversityThesis
Riemsdijk, Henk C. van1978A case study in syntactic markedness: the binding nature of prepositional phrasesPeter de Ridder Press

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About this article

Author(s): Hans Broekhuis

Category: Dutch Syntax

Keywords: Co-occurrence of R wordsR-wordRelativized Minimality EffectTopicalizationWh-movement

Version: 1.0, December 2015

Version history:

version	editor(s)	date	remarks
1.0	Hans Broekhuis	December 2015

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