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12.3.Modifiers of the clause

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This section discusses the extraposition options of clausal constituents that are not selected by the verb, such as adverbial phrases and supplementives. Generally speaking, extraposition is restricted to prepositional and clausal adjuncts, that is, extraposition of nominal and adjectival adjuncts is impossible.

I. Prepositional adverbial phrases
II. Adverbial clauses
III. Adjectival phrases
IV. Noun phrases

[+] I. Prepositional adverbial phrases

It is often taken for granted that locational and temporal adverbial PPs can be extraposed. That this is justified seems clear from the fact illustrated in (52) that such PPs normally do not have to be preceded by an intonation break if they occur in postverbal position.

a.	dat	Jan graag	in de tuin	eet.	locational
	that	Jan gladly	in the garden	eats
	'that Jan likes to eat in the garden.'

a'.

dat Jan graag eet in de tuin.

b.	dat	Jan	na het eten	graag	een sigaret	rookt.	temporal
	that	Jan	after the meal	gladly	a cigarette	smokes
	'that Jan likes to smoke a cigarette after dinner.'

b'.

dat Jan graag een sigaret rookt na het eten.

That we are dealing with extraposition in the primed examples in (52) is further supported by the fact that the adverbial PPs can easily be pied piped under VP-topicalization.

a.		Eten in de tuin	doet	Jan graag.
		eat in the garden	does	Jan gladly

b.		Een sigaret roken na het eten	doet	Jan graag.
		a cigarette smoke after the meal	does	Jan gladly

Another argument for assuming extraposition may be that accent can be placed on extraposed adverbial PPs. It should be noted, however, that speakers sometimes seem to entertain different ideas on the question as to whether this results in a neutral intonation pattern: while Van den Berg (1978:222) claims the accent on the PP to be the (non-contrastive) sentence accent, as indicated in (54b), Mark de Vries (p.c.) claims it to be a contrastive accent, as indicated in (54b'). We will leave this issue open for future research.

a.	dat	Jan graag	in de tuin	eet.
	that	Jan gladly	in the garden	eats
	'that Jan likes to eat in the garden.'

dat Jan graag eet in de tuin.

b'.

dat Jan graag eet in de tuin

Section 12.2, sub IV, observed that extraposition does not affect the propositional meaning of the construction. In order to establish whether we are dealing with extraposition or right dislocation, it may therefore be useful to investigate the propositional meaning of the constructions under consideration. But first let us look again at the (a)-examples in (52) in order to show that the structural position of the adverbial phrase in the clause may affect its extraposition options. Under a neutral (non-contrastive) intonation pattern, example (52a) expresses that Jan likes a certain thing, namely, eating in the garden: like to do (Jan, eating in the garden). The extraposition example (52a') expresses exactly the same propositional content, and the same holds for the VP-topicalization construction in (53a). Things look different in the case of the (b)-examples in (52). Example (52b), repeated as (55a), expresses that Jan likes to do a certain thing after dinner, namely smoking a cigarette: like to do after dinner (Jan, smoking a cigarette). However, this is not what is expressed by example (52b') or the VP-topicalization construction in (53b), which expresses that Jan likes to do a certain thing, which is smoking a cigarette after dinner: like to do (Jan, smoking a cigarette after dinner). This strongly suggests that (52b') cannot be considered the extraposition counterpart of (55a), but should be considered the counterpart of (55b), which does express the same meaning. If we assume that the subject-oriented adverb graag'gladly' has a fixed position in the structure, this suggests that the structural position of the adverbial PP may determine whether extraposition is possible or not.

a.		dat	Jan	na het eten	graag	een sigaret	rookt.
		that	Jan	after the meal	gladly	a cigarette	smokes

a'.

like to do after dinner (Jan, smoking a cigarette)

b.		dat	Jan	graag	na het eten	een sigaret	rookt.
		that	Jan	gladly	after the meal	a cigarette	smokes

b'.

like to do (Jan, smoking a cigarette after dinner)

This phenomenon is more general: Chapter 8 argues that clausal adverbs such as waarschijnlijk'probably' or vaak'often' are located at the boundary of the lexical and the functional domain of the verbal projection (see Section 9.1 for an introduction to these notions): elements appearing to the left of such adverbs are located in the functional domain of the verb while elements appearing to the right of such adverbs are part of the lexical domain of the verb. Now consider the primeless examples in (56) and their paraphrases in the primed examples.

a.	dat	Jan	vaak	na het eten	in slaap	valt.
	that	Jan	often	after the meal	in sleep	falls
	'that Jan often falls asleep after dinner.'

a'.	Het	is vaak	zo	dat	Jan na het eten	in slaap	valt.
	it	is often	the.case	that	Jan after the meal	in sleep	falls
	'It is often the case that Jan falls asleep after dinner.'

b.	dat	Jan	na het eten	vaak	in slaap	valt.
	that	Jan	after the meal	often	in sleep	falls
	'that Jan often falls asleep after dinner.'

b'.	Het	is na het eten	vaak	zo	dat	Jan in slaap	valt.
	it	is after the meal	often	the.case	that	Jan in sleep	falls
	'It is often the case after dinner that Jan falls asleep.'

The extraposition and VP-topicalization constructions in the (a)-examples in (57) correspond in their propositional meaning to example (56a), while the right-dislocation and topicalization constructions in the (b)-examples correspond in their propositional meaning to example (56b). Note that the meaning contrast between the two primeless examples in (57) may not be very sharp, but this is certainly the case for the meaning contrast between the two primed examples. If our intuitions are correct, this strongly suggests that adverbial PPs can be extraposed only if they are in a hierarchically lower position than the clausal adverbs, that is, when they occupy a position in the lexical domain of the verb.

a.		dat	Jan	vaak	in slaap	valt	na het eten.
		that	Jan	often	in sleep	falls	after the meal

a'.		In slaap vallen	na het eten	doet	Jan vaak.
		in sleep fall	after the meal	does	Jan often

b.		dat	Jan	vaak	in slaap	valt,	na het eten.
		that	Jan	often	in sleep	falls	after the meal

b'.		In slaap vallen	doet Jan vaak,	na het eten.
		in sleep fall	does Jan often	after the meal

The hypothesis that adverbial PPs should be in the lexical domain of the main verb in order to be able to occur in extraposed position provides us with two strong predictions: if an adverbial PP can occur to the right of a clausal adverb, it can also be in extraposed position; if an adverbial PP can only occur to the left of a clausal adverb, it cannot be in extraposed position. This seems more or less the correct generalization. The examples in (58) show that the first prediction is correct for instrumental met-PPs, agentive door-phrases, and wegens-PPs expressing a cause/reason; these may follow the clausal adverb vaak'often' and extraposition is fully acceptable, as is clear from the fact illustrated in the primed examples that the postverbal PPs can be pied piped under VP-topicalization.

a.	dat	Jan vaak	<met deze kwast>	schildert <met deze kwast>.
	that	Jan often	with this brush	paints
	'that Jan often paints with this brush.'

a'.		Schilderen	met deze kwast	doet	Jan	vaak.
		paint	with this brush	does	Jan	often

b.		Jan wordt	vaak	<door Peter>	geplaagd <door Peter>.
		Jan is	often	by Peter	teased

b'.		Geplaagd	door Peter	wordt	Jan vaak.
		teased	by Peter	is	Jan often

c.	Dat Jan	vaak	<vanwege ziekte>	lessen	verzuimt <vanwege ziekte>.
	that Jan	often	because.of illness	lessons	be-absent
	'that Jan often misses lessons because of illness.'

c'.		Lessen	verzuimen	vanwege ziekte	doet	Jan vaak.
		lessons	be.absent	because.of illness	does	Jan often

That the second prediction is also on the right track is illustrated in (59) by means of an adverbial ondanks-PP expressing concession. Example (59a) first shows that this PP must precede the clausal adverb vaak'often'. We therefore expect extraposition to be impossible, and this is indeed borne out: example (59b) shows that the PP must be preceded by an intonation break when it is in postverbal position (Veld 1993:144). That we are not dealing with extraposition is further supported by the (c)-examples, which show that the PP cannot be pied piped under VP-topicalization.

a.	dat	Jan	<ondanks zijn ziekte>	toch	vaak <*ondanks zijn ziekte>	sport.
	that	Jan	despite his illness	prt	often	does.sport
	'that Jan often exercises despite his illness.'

b.		dat	Jan toch	vaak	sport ??(,)	ondanks zijn ziekte.
		that	Jan prt	often	does.sport	despite his illness

c.	*	Sporten (,)	ondanks zijn ziekte,	doet Jan toch	vaak.
		do.sport	despite his illness	does Jan prt	often

c'.		Sporten	doet Jan toch	vaak,	ondanks zijn ziekte.
		do.sport	does Jan prt	often	despite his illness

Since most adverbial PPs that can occur to the left of the clausal adverbs can also occur to their right, there are not so very many systematic cases that exhibit the same pattern as concessive adverbial PPs. Another, less frequent, case is the adverbial PP in de regel'normally' in (60a). Example (60b) shows that this PP must be preceded by an intonation break if it is in postverbal position, and the (c)-examples show that it must be stranded by VP-topicalization.

a.	dat	Jan	<in de regel>	vaak <*in de regel>	sport.
	that	Jan	as a rule	often	does.sport
	'that normally Jan often exercises despite his illness.'

b.		dat	Jan	vaak	sport *(,)	in de regel.
		that	Jan	often	does.sport	as a rule

c.	*	Sporten (,)	in de regel,	doet Jan	vaak.
		do.sport	as a rule	does Jan	often

c'.		Sporten	doet Jan vaak,	in de regel.
		do.sport	does Jan often	as a rule

The examples in (61), finally, show that the clausal adverbs themselves cannot be extraposed either if they have the form of a PP; see Veld (1993:144). Example (61b) shows that the adverbial PP tot drie maal toe'up to three times' must be preceded by an intonation break when in postverbal position, and the (c)-examples show that it must be stranded by VP-topicalization.

a.	dat we	tot driemaal toe	een explosie	hoorden.
	that we	tot three.times toe	an explosion	heard
	'that we heard an explosion thrice.'

b.		dat	we een explosie	hoorden *(,)	tot driemaal toe.
		that	we an explosion	heard	tot three.times toe

c.		Een explosie	horen (,)	tot driemaal toe,	deden	we.
		an explosion	hear	tot three.times toe	did	we

c'.		Een explosie	horen	deden	we,	tot driemaal toe.
		an explosion	hear	did	we	tot three.times toe

This subsection has put forward the hypothesis that adverbial PPs can be extraposed only if they can occur to the right of the clausal adverbs, that is, if they are part of the lexical domain of the main verb. Adverbial PPs cannot be extraposed if they can only occur to the left of the clausal adverbs, that is, if they are part of the functional domain of the main verb. Sentential adverbial PPs, which seem to be located at the boundary between the two domains cannot be extraposed either.

[+] II. Adverbial clauses

Adverbial clauses seem to exhibit more or less the same behavior as their prepositional counterparts, although they may be expected to occur more frequently in extraposed position, as extraposition may be favored in the case of clauses by such factors as mentioned in Section 12.1, sub V. Their similarity in behavior is illustrated in (62) by means of a temporal clause with the same function as the temporal adverbial PP na het eten'after dinner' in (55): example (62b) shows that the clause need not be preceded by an intonation break if it occurs postverbally, and (62c) shows that it can readily be pied piped under VP-topicalization. The primed examples show that the adverbial clause can also be right-dislocated.

a.	dat	Jan	<graag>	[nadat	hij	gegeten	heeft] <graag>	een sigaret	rookt.
	that	Jan	gladly	after	he	eaten	has	a cigarette	smokes
	'that Jan likes to smoke a cigarette after he has eaten.'

b.		dat	Jan graag	een sigaret	rookt	[nadat	hij	gegeten	heeft].
		that	Jan gladly	a cigarette	smokes	after	he	eaten	has

b'.		dat	Jan graag	een sigaret	rookt,	[nadat	hij	gegeten	heeft].
		that	Jan gladly	a cigarette	smokes	after	he	eaten	has

c.		Een sigaret	roken	[nadat	hij	gegeten	heeft]	doet	Jan graag.
		a cigarette	smoke	after	he	eaten	has	does	Jan gladly

c'.		Een sigaret	roken	doet	Jan graag,	[nadat	hij	gegeten	heeft].
		a cigarette	smoke	does	Jan gladly	after	he	eaten	has

The examples in (63) indicate that the distribution of adverbial clauses introduced by ondanks is subject to the same restrictions as the adverbial PP ondanks zijn ziekte'despite his illness' in (59). Example (63a) first shows that the adverbial clause must precede the sentential adverb vaak'often', as placing it in the position indicated by <*> gives rise to a severely degraded result. Example (63b) shows that the clause is preferably preceded by an intonation break if it occurs in postverbal position (although this preference seems less strong than in the case of a PP). The (c)-examples show that the clause cannot be pied piped under VP-topicalization but must be stranded. All of this all suggests that the clause cannot be extraposed.

a.	dat	Jan	<ondanks	dat	hij	ziek	is>	toch	vaak <*>	sport.
	that	Jan	despite	that	he	ill	is	prt	often	does.sport
	'that Jan often exercises despite the fact that he is ill.'

b.		dat	Jan toch	vaak	sport ?(,)	[ondanks	dat	hij	ziek	is].
		that	Jan prt	often	does.sport	despite	that	he	ill	is

c.	*	Sporten (,)	ondanks	dat	hij	ziek	is,	doet Jan toch	vaak.
		do.sport	despite	that	he	ill	is	does Jan prt	often

c'.		Sporten	doet Jan toch	vaak,	[ondanks	dat	hij	ziek	is].
		do.sport	does Jan prt	often	despite	that	he	ill	is

Infinitival temporal adverbial clauses are like their finite counterparts in that they may occur in pre- and postverbal position. The postverbal clause can be in extraposed position: it need not be preceded by an intonation break and it can easily be pied piped under VP-topicalization. The infinitival clause can also be right-dislocated but we will not illustrate this here.

a.	dat	Jan	<graag>	[alvorens	te eten]	een glas jenever	drinkt.
	that	Jan	gladly	before	to eat	a glass [of] Dutch.gin	drinks
	'that Jan likes to drink a glass of Dutch gin before eating.'

b.		dat	Jan graag	een glas jenever	drinkt	[alvorens	te eten].
		that	Jan gladly	a glass [of] Dutch.gin	drinks	before	to eat

c.		Een glas jenever	drinken	[alvorens	te eten]	doet	Jan graag.
		a glass [of] Dutch.gin	drink	before	to eat	does	Jan gladly

Some adverbial clauses do not seem to be comfortable in preverbal position. This holds, for instance, for the adverbial clauses found in conditional and consecutive constructions. The answer to the question as to whether they are in extraposed or right-dislocated position therefore has to rely entirely on VP-topicalization. We illustrate this in (65) for conditional constructions. Example (65a) shows that the when-clause cannot readily occur in the middle field; it can only occur in this position as a parenthetical, in which case it should be preceded and followed by an intonation break. That the postverbal when-clause cannot easily be pied piped under VP-topicalization, as illustrated in (65b), suggests that it is right-dislocated.

a.	dat	Jan	<??als	hij	gedronken	heeft>	slecht slaapt <als hij gedronken heeft>.
	that	Jan	if	he	drunk	has	badly sleeps
	'that Jan sleeps badly when he has drunk alcohol.'

b.		Slapen	<??als	hij	gedronken	heeft>	doet	Jan slecht <als hij gedronken heeft>.
		sleep	if	he	drunk	has	does	Jan badly

The examples in (66) illustrate the same for consecutive constructions. Example (66a) shows that the adverbial clause expressing the consequence must be placed in postverbal position: placement of this clause in the middle field positions indicated by <*> is entirely impossible, even as a parenthetical clause. The adverbial clause in (66a) is again preferably preceded by an intonation break, which suggests that it is right-dislocated. This is supported by the fact illustrated in (b)-examples in (66) that the adverbial clause must be stranded under VP-topicalization.

a.	dat	Jan <*>	liever <*>	doorwerkt	<zodat	we alleen	moeten	gaan>.
	that	Jan	rather	on-works	so.that	we alone	must	go
	'Jan prefers to continue working, so that we have to go alone.'

b.	*	Doorwerken	zodat	we alleen	moeten	gaan	doet	Jan liever.
		on-work	so.that	we alone	must	go	does	Jan rather

b'.		Doorwerken	doet	Jan liever,	zodat	we alleen	moeten	gaan.
		on-work	does	Jan rather	so.that	we alone	must	go

As far as we know, the syntactic behavior of the various semantic types of postverbal adverbial clauses has not been studied systematically. The full story therefore has to await future research; the discussions found in Veld (1993:section 5.2.8) and De Vries (2002:ch.7) provide good starting points for a more in-depth investigation.

[+] III. Adjectival phrases

Adjectival adjuncts are excluded in extraposed position. The following subsections will discuss this for adverbial phrases and complementives.

[+] A. Adverbial phrases

Adjectival adverbial phrases are excluded in extraposed position. This is illustrated in (67) for the adverbial phrase of manner erg zorgvuldig'very carefully'. While (67a) shows that this phrase can precede the verb, it cannot easily follow it: the only way to improve (67b) is by assigning contrastive stress to the adverbial phrase or by adding an apposition marker such as en wel, which are typical properties of afterthoughts: dat Jan het artikel las—(en wel) erg zorgvuldig. Example (67c) shows that VP-topicalization is also difficult in the case of a postverbal manner adverbial, although the stranding option again improves if contrastive stress or the apposition marker en wel is added to the adverbial phrase; Het artikel lezen deed Jan—(en wel) erg zorgvuldig.

a.	dat	Jan het artikel	erg zorgvuldig	las.
	that	Jan the article	very carefully	read
	'that Jan read the article read very carefully.'

b.		dat	Jan het artikel	las *(??,)	erg zorgvuldig.
		that	Jan the article	read	very carefully

c.		Het artikel lezen	<*erg zorgvuldig>	deed Jan, < ??erg zorgvuldig>.
		the article read	very carefully	did Jan

Adjectival adjuncts with other semantic functions are also incompatible with extraposition. Example (68) illustrates this for the adverbial regelmatig'regularly', which can be used either as a predicate or as a clausal adverb. Example (68b) shows that such adverbial phrases can only occur in postverbal position if they are preceded by an intonation break; the result of postverbal placement is best if the adjective regelmatig is assigned contrastive accent. Example (68c) shows that pied piping of the adverbial phrase under VP-topicalization is excluded; stranding is possible and again seems best if the adjective is assigned contrastive stress or preceded by the apposition marker en wel.

a.	dat	we regelmatig	een explosie	hoorden.
	that	we regularly	an explosion	heard
	'that we regularly heard an explosion.'

b.		dat	we een explosie	hoorden *(,)	regelmatig.
		that	we an explosion	heard	regularly

c.	*	Een explosie	horen (,)	regelmatig,	deden we.
		an explosion	hear	regularly	did we

c'.		Een explosie	horen	deden	we,	(en wel)	regelmatig.
		an explosion	hear	did	we	and prt	regularly

Note in passing that the intonation break in the (c)-examples can be omitted and that the adverbial phrase is not necessarily assigned contrastive accent in the resulting utterance: Een explosie horen deden we regelmatig. Such cases probably involve stranding of a preverbal adverbial phrase. Unfortunately, the actual position of the supplementive cannot be inspected from the surface form of the clause because VP-topicalization has removed all material following it.

[+] B. Adjectival supplementives

Adjectival supplementives are also incompatible with extraposition. The (b)-examples in (69) show that complementives can occur in postverbal position only if they function as afterthoughts: they must be preceded by an intonation break and assigned contrastive stress. The (c)-examples show that VP-topicalization cannot pied pipe postverbal supplementives; the supplementive must be stranded. It should be noted that, as in (68c), the intonation break in (69c) can be omitted and that the supplementive is normally not assigned contrastive accent in the resulting utterance: Naar huis wandelen deed Jan tevreden. Such cases probably involve stranding of the preverbal supplementive in (69a) but, unfortunately, the actual position of the supplementive cannot be inspected from the surface form of the clause because VP-topicalization has removed all material following it.

a.	dat	Jan tevreden	naar huis	wandelde.
	that	Jan satisfied	to home	walked
	'that Jan walked home satisfied.'

b.	*	dat	Jan naar huis	wandelde (,)	tevreden.
		that	Jan to home	walked	satisfied

b'.		dat	Jan naar huis	wandelde,	tevreden.
		that	Jan to home	walked	satisfied

c.	*	Naar huis	wandelen	<tevreden>	deed Jan, <tevreden>.
		to home	walk	satisfied	did Jan

c'.		Naar huis	wandelen	deed	Jan,	tevreden.
		to home	walk	did	Jan	satisfied

It should further be pointed out that Veld (1993:133-4) claims that monosyllabic complementives cannot readily be used as afterthoughts for prosodic reasons: the dollar sign in (70) indicates that there is indeed a slight contrast with cases in polysyllabic or phrasal supplementives, such as tevreden in (69) or moe en tevreden in (70), but we still consider examples of this sort acceptable.

%	dat	Jan ging	naar huis,	[moe	$(maar	tevreden)].
	that	Jan went	to home	tired	but	satisfied
	'that Jan went home, tired (but satisfied).'

[+] C. Conclusion

This section has shown that adjectival adjuncts (adverbial phrases and complementives) cannot occur in extraposed position; when they occur postverbally they are right-dislocated. We refer to Veld (1993) and De Vries (2002:291), for more examples, while noting that the latter is quite (and in our view sometimes too) lenient in his acceptability judgments.

[+] IV. Noun phrases

Nominal adverbial phrases have a temporal meaning. A prototypical example is given in (71a). Example (71) shows that the phrase de hele dag'the whole day' can be used in postverbal position but is then preferably preceded by an intonation break; cf. Veld (1993:127). The fact that omitting the intonation break seems marginally possible in slow careful speech may give rise to the idea that extraposition is at least a marginal option. However, the fact illustrated in (71c) that pied piping the postverbal phrase gives rise to a highly marked result suggests that we are dealing with a right-dislocated phrase after all; the example improves if the adverbial phrase is preceded and followed by an intonation break, but in that case we are dealing with a parenthetical.

a.	dat	Jan graag	de hele dag	leest.
	that	Jan gladly	the whole day	reads
	'that Jan likes reading all day long.'

b.		dat	Jan graag	leest ?(,)	de hele dag.
		that	Jan gladly	reads	the whole day

c.		Lezen	<??de hele dag>	doet	Jan graag, <de hele dag>.
		read	the whole day	does	Jan gladly

The examples in (71) involve cases in which the adverbial phrase refers to a time interval including speech time. The examples in (72) illustrate the same thing for a temporal adverbial phrase referring to a point in time following speech time.

a.	dat	Els	volgende week	graag	een lezing	geeft.
	that	Els	next week	gladly	a talk	gives
	'that Els will be glad to give a talk next week.'

b.		dat	Els graag	een lezing	geeft ?(,)	volgende week.
		that	Els gladly	a talk	gives	next week

b'.		Een lezing	geven	<??volgende week>	doet	Els graag, <?volgende week>.
		a talk	give	next week	does	Els gladly

Note that lexical items like morgen'tomorrow' and gisteren'yesterday', which are listed as adverbs in dictionaries exhibit the same behavior as the nominal phrases in (71) and (72), for which reason we simply treat them as nouns.
Recall from Section 12.2, sub III, that noun phrases can also be used as measure phrases indicating duration if selected by verbs such as duren'to last'. Although such measure phrases are often considered adverbial phrases, they differ from the cases discussed in this subsection in that they categorically reject postverbal placement: dat de workshop <een hele dag> zal duren <*een hele dag>'that the workshop will take a full day'. The pied piping/stranding behavior of these measure phrases cannot be investigated, as constructions of this sort do not easily allow VP-topicalization: *Een hele dag duren doet/zal deze workshop.

References:

Berg, Evert van den1978Fokus presuppositie en NP-preposingDe Nieuwe Taalgids71212-222
Veld, Joop1993Postverbal constituents in Dutch and TurkishUniversity of AmsterdamThesis
Veld, Joop1993Postverbal constituents in Dutch and TurkishUniversity of AmsterdamThesis
Veld, Joop1993Postverbal constituents in Dutch and TurkishUniversity of AmsterdamThesis
Veld, Joop1993Postverbal constituents in Dutch and TurkishUniversity of AmsterdamThesis
Veld, Joop1993Postverbal constituents in Dutch and TurkishUniversity of AmsterdamThesis
Veld, Joop1993Postverbal constituents in Dutch and TurkishUniversity of AmsterdamThesis
Vries, Mark de2002The syntax of relativizationAmsterdamUniversity of AmsterdamThesis
Vries, Mark de2002The syntax of relativizationAmsterdamUniversity of AmsterdamThesis

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About this article

Author(s): Hans Broekhuis, Norbert Corver

Category: Dutch Syntax

Keywords: AccentAdverbial PhraseContrastive AccentExtrapositionSupplementives

Version: 1.0, January 2016

Version history:

version	editor(s)	date	remarks
1.0	Hans Broekhuis, Norbert Corver	January 2016

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