- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
The regular passive is available to transitive verbs, of which the active object – blomme flowers, as in (1a) – is promoted to the subject of the passive, while the subject of the active is optionally rendered as a prepositional adjunct with deur by as preposition, as in (1b).
Passives can also be selected with intransitive verbs, but then they require either the fronting of some other element, typically an adverbial, or else the dummy adverb daar there. Intransitive constructions are identified as passives through verbal clusters consisting of a past participle and a passive auxiliary such as word in (1b) and (2). The adverb daar may be appended to introduce new information or fill a syntactic gap, as in (2b).
Intransitive passives require both human agency and intentional or voluntary action to be acceptable, as can be seen by comparing (3a) to (3b).
If grammatical and semantic relations between the main verb and sentential subjects or objects are employed as criteria, it is possible to determine whether a given construction is similar in function to a regular passive, or should be categorised as a pseudo-passive or not a passive at all. On this basis (4) is very similar to a passive, (5) may be described as a pseudo-passive and (6), in spite of its past participle, is no passive at all.
Die werk moet nou gedoen kom. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the job must.AUX.MOD now do.PST.PTCP come.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The job must get done now. |
Die polisie wil vandag die probleem opgelos hê. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the police want.to.AUX.MOD today the problem solved.PST.PTCP have.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The police want to have the problem solved today. |
Die stakers kom aangehardloop. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the strikers come.PRS on.run.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The strikers come running. |
The regular passive may be viewed as a configuration of grammatical characteristics, such as having a non-agentive subject which corresponds to the object of an active construction, having a verbal cluster consisting of the past participle of a transitive main verb and a passive auxiliary and – optionally – expressing agentivity through an adjunct introduced by the preposition deur by. In this section an array of constructions are discussed which differ from the regular passive in one or more respects.
While the regular passive is available to transitive verbs, constructions consisting of past participles of intransitive main verbs and passive auxiliaries such as word be.AUX.PASS.PRS or is be.PST as auxiliary, as in (7), may also be regarded as fully-fledged passives. This also applies to constructions with prepositional object verbs, as in (8). The adverbial particle daar there is employed to introduce new information or simply as a syntactic "filler", as in (9). Intransitive passive constructions introduced by daar are also known as impersonal constructions, cf. Ponelis (1979:408).
Buite word hard geskree. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
outside be.AUX.PASS.PRS loud.ADV shout.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There is loud shouting outside. |
Aan die deur word hard geklop. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
on the door be.AUX.PASS.PRS loud.ADV knock.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There is loud knocking on the door. |
Although "minimal" passives such as (7) and (8) are fully acceptable, they are more frequently complemented by daar, as in (9).
Daar word hard aan die deur geklop. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
there be.AUX.PASS.PRS loud.ADV on the door knock.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There is loud knocking on the door. |
The daar may retain its introductory function in spite of being replaced by another constituent through topicalisation, as in (10), (11) and (12). (Cf. Ponelis (1979:408).
Uit die bloute word daar op hulle geskiet. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
from the blue be.AUX.PASS.PRS there on them shoot.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
They are being shot at unexpectedly. |
Vandag word daar oor die lewe getob. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
today be.AUX.PASS.PRS there about the life brood.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Today they are brooding about life. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
In certain complex sentences with subjective or objective complements, such as the infinitival clauses in (12), sentence anaphoric dit it seems to be a competitor of introductory daar there. This is attributed byPonelis (1979:453) to English influence. However, the semantic convergence of (12a) and (12b) may simply be the result of passivisation. In (12b) the infinitival subordinate clause om Robert uit te jaag is in an objective or patient relationship with the matrix verb verwag expect. But although anaphoric dit in (12a) has become the sentential subject through passivisation, it – and the infinitival clause it refers to – remains in a patient relationship with the matrix verb.
The extraction of a noun phrase, such as my motor my car from a prepositional object, as in (13), or die rivier the river from a prepositional adjunct, as in (14), is also quite common in Afrikaans.
My motor is vandag aan gewerk. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
my car be.AUX.PASS.PST today on work.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
My car was worked on today. |
Die rivier word dikwels in geswem. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the river be.AUX.PASS.PRS often in swim.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
People often swim in the river. |
Intransitive passives differ from transitive passives in that their acceptability diminishes when, as in (15), human agency or, as in (16), intentional or voluntary action, is not expressed or implied. According to Ponelis (1979:408-409) impersonal constructions are restricted to intransitive verbs which are able to take personal subjects and express an action, activity or deed.
? Buite word daar hard geblaf. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
outside be.AUX.PASS.PRS there loud.ADV bark.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There is loud barking outside. |
? In die huis langsaan word daar hard gesnork. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
in the house next.door be.AUX.PASS.PRS there loud.ADV snore.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There is loud snoring in the house next door. |
As pointed out earlier, the regular passive has a number of typical characteristics. One criterion is employed here to distinguish between passives, pseudo-passives and non-passives, namely whether the sentential subject assumes the role of patient in relation to the main verb (which is typically but not necessarily a past participle) (Type 1). If the patient in relation to the main verb coincides with the object rather than the subject of the sentence, the construction will be considered a pseudo-passive (Type 2), and if the agent in relation to the main verb coincides with the grammatical subject of the sentence (as in active sentences), the construction will not be considered a passive at all (Type 3). See Table 1.
Type | Example | |
Type 1 | Passive | Subject is patient of main verb |
Type 2 | Pseudo-passive | Object is patient of main verb |
Type 3 | No passive | Subject is agent of main verb |
In (17) the sentential subject (die probleem the problem) has a patient role in relation to the main verb oplos solve, as would be the case in the regular passive. The construction with kom come rather than the passive auxiliary word become, expresses terminative rather than inchoative or durative aspect In such cases the past participle closely approaches adjectival status and may in fact be replaced by an adjective.
Terminative passive – type 1 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Die probleem moet dadelik opgelos kom. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the problem must.AUX.MOD immediately solve.PST.PTCP come.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The problem must get solved immediately. |
This construction is exemplified by the following:
haar stem skor van wat nie gesê kom nie | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
her voice hoarse from what.REL not say.PST.PTCP come.PRS PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
her voice hoarse from what cannot get said | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
C. Maas: Koljander, 2013, 18 |
In example (19) the past participle geskryf written is readily replaceable by an adjective such as klaar finished.
die nuwe boek wat geskryf moet kom | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the new book that.REL write.PST.PTCP must.AUX.MOD come.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the new book that must get written | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
A. Botes: Swart op wit, 2013, 9 |
In (20) die probleem, which is now the object of the sentence, has a patient role in relation to the main verb oplos. With the infinitive hê, as in (21) to (23), agentivity is partly ascribed to the sentential subject, as in active constructions, although external agentivity cannot be excluded. Past participles combining with hê to have are usually terminative and replaceable by an adjective.
Pseudo-passive (with past participle) – type 2 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Ons sal die probleem binnekort opgelos hê. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
we will.AUX.MOD the problem soon solve.PST.PTCP have.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
We will have the problem solved soon. |
Jy wil jou brood aan albei kante gebotter hê. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
you.2SG want.AUX.MOD your bread on both sides butter.PST.PTCP have.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
You want your bread buttered on both sides. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
die moontlike vrae ... wat Joubert beantwoord wil hê | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the possible questions which.REL Joubert answer.PST.PTCP want.to.AUX.MOD have.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the questions Joubert might want to have answered | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
With hou keep in (23) agentivity is restricted to die olifante the elephants, which is not the object of the main verb, while with kry get in (24) agentivity is expressed by a deur adjunct, as in passives. (Kry constructions are described extensively by Molnárfi (1995) and (1997).
En die olifante wat hom soms ure in 'n boom opgejaag hou | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
and the elephants which.REL him sometimes hours in a tree up.chase.PST.PTCP keep.PRS | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
and the elephants chasing him which sometimes confine him to a tree for hours | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
D. Matthee: Toorbos, 2003, 34 |
die soort voorwaarde wat ons relatief maklik deur 'n hof opsy geskuif kan kry | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the kind.of condition which.REL we relative.ADV easily by a court aside move.PST.PTCP can.AUX.MOD get.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the kind of condition which we can have a court set aside relatively easily | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
In (25), the implied agent of the main verb adverteer advertise is non-identical with the sentential subject hy he.
en hy wil dit net nie geadverteer sien nie | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
and he want.to.AUX.MOD it only not advertise.PST.PTCP.ADJ see.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
and he only doesn't want to see it advertised | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
C. Paul-Hughes: Leila, 2005, 25 |
In the examples with kry get, kom come, lê lie and staan stand from (26) to (31), the sentential subject always has an agentive role in relation to the main verb. Since this a typical characteristic of active constructions, these examples cannot be considered to be passives. Apart from kom, which expresses movement, past participles combining with verbs such as kry, lê and staan are often terminative.
Type 3: no passive | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Ons sal die probleem binnekort opgelos kry. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
we will.AUX.MOD the problem soon solve.PST.PTCP get.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
We will get the problem solved soon. |
soos hy probeer het om gesluk te kry | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
as he try.PST.PTCP have.AUX for.COMP swallow.PST.PTCP PTCL.INF get.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
as he tried to succeed in swallowing | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
M. van Niekerk & A. van Zyl: Memorandum, 2006, 71 |
mistige weer ... wat van die see af aangesif kom | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
foggy weather that.REL from the sea off on.sift.PST.PTCP come.PRS | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
foggy weather that comes sifting from the sea | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
En Kupido ... kom by die skerm uitgebuk | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
And.CNJ Kupido come.PRS at the shelter out.stoop.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
And Kupido came stooping out of the shelter | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
A.P. Brink: Bidsprinkaan, 2005, 67 |
twee litte van 'n vinger lê aangerol teen die witgeverfde vloerlys. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
two joints of a finger lie.PRS on.roll.PST.PTCP against the white.paint.PST.PTCP.ATTR skirting | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
two finger joints had rolled against the white-washed skirting | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
D. Meyer: Kobra, 2013, 7 |
In sy slaaphut staan Baas met sy kop teen sy klererak geleun | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
in his sleep.hut stand.PRS Baas with his head against his clothes.rack lean.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Baas stood in his sleeping hut with his head leaned against his clothes rack. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
P. Pieterse: Manaka, 2005, 128 |
In constructions with causativelaat let, as in (32) and (33), the object (or an implied object) of the sentence may also have a patient role in relation to the main verb, just as in the case of (17) above. Although the main verb is not a past participle, agentivity may be expressed by a deur adjunct, as in (32). In (33) the existence of an entity with a patient role is implied by the locative hier here.
Pseudo-passive (without past participle) – type 2 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Ons sal die probleem deur haar laat oplos. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
we will.AUX.MOD the problem by her let.LINK solve.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
We will let the problem be solved by her. |
Mattie gaan hier moet laat stofsuig. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Mattie go.AUX.MOD here must.AUX.MOD let.LINK vacuum.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Mattie is going to have to let (someone) vacuum here. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
E.Venter: Wolf, wolf, 2013, 37 |
In (34a), the sentential subject, geen vervoer no transport, has a patient role in relation to an infinitival complement, here headed by the verb vind find, and according to the criterion adopted before, this construction should also be classified as a passive. In comparison to a regular passive, such as (34b), it is, however, a semantically and syntactically specialised construction, which includes the modal sense of 'capability'. The same parallel with 'capability' passives can be seen in (35) and (36).
Te passive – type 1 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
a. | Geen vervoer was daar te vinde nie. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
no transport was there PTCL.INF find.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
No transport was to be found there. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
b. | Geen vervoer kon daar gevind word nie. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
no transport can.AUX.MOD.PRT there find.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
No transport could be found there. |
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